November 08, 2005
"Citizenism" vs. White Nationalism: A Second Reply to Steve Sailer
[Peter
Brimelow writes:
Should American whites
explicitly pursue their own interests as government
policy moves them to minority status—a strategy
sometimes called “white
nationalism”—or
can they hope to safeguard their interests in a more
general political movement, which might be called “citizenism’?
Our debate between Jared Taylor (white nationalist) and
Steve Sailer (citizenist),
begun by Steve’s
review of Jared’s new
book
The Color of Crime,
has excited so much interest
that we asked Jared to give Steve another thump. Steve
will reply shortly.]
By
Jared Taylor
Steve Sailer’s
charmingly discursive reply to my
defense of white nationalism covers a lot of ground.
I take considerable liberty in over-simplifying his
views as follows:
- The natural object of our
loyalties should be the
current citizens of our country, and their
interests are served by
restricting immigration.
- Whites will spurn any movement
(including
immigration control) that is based on an appeal
to racial solidarity.
- They do this for two reasons:
They are idealistic and consider such appeals
beneath their dignity, and secretly they do not
think non-whites
are going to take their jobs.
- White racial consciousness
must at least imply hostility towards blacks, and
mobilizing hostility is a waste of effort that
should go into immigration control.
These are all interesting points and not necessarily
wrong. But they do not add up to an argument that whites
should abandon their
own group interests.
As for point 1, there would be no disagreement from
the 60 to 80 percent of Americans who want less
immigration, including me. Stopping mass immigration
should be the
number one priority for American whites.
In Europe, where
multi-party systems give voters
real choices, racial considerations are a large
factor in the success of restrictionist parties like the
French National Front, the
Austrian Freedom Party, and the
Danish Peoples Party.
Nevertheless, Mr. Sailer is probably right to argue
that an open appeal to the interests of whites may not
be the most successful way to sell immigration control.
His point 2 is correct: White consciousness has been so
thoroughly
demonized that although whites do not
want to live with blacks or Mexicans, they dare not
admit it in public. No congressman would say we must
guard the border because whites have the right to a
country in which they are the majority.
Of course, there are plenty of good ways to oppose
immigration and not sound
“racist": The country is
crowded; we already import too much oil; immigrants
commit crime, push down
wages, burden
schools, spread
disease, go on
welfare refuse to learn
English, gather in
indigestible clumps, etc. etc.
I have always argued that the consequences of
immigration—entirely aside from the
dispossession of whites—are so awful that if the
newcomers were
white, but doing exactly what current immigrants
do, we would shut them out without a fuss. Were it not
for cries of “racism,” the borders would close
tomorrow. It is only because immigrants are
brown and
yellow and
black that people twist themselves into pretzels,
imputing imaginary benefits to a process that is
obviously bad for the country in nearly every way.
This is the sort of thing that happens when whites
lose the ability to think straight about race.
But why can’t whites think straight about
race? Mr. Sailer says, point 3, that it is because they
are too idealistic and don’t see non-whites as a threat.
Idealistic?
White liberals are
openly, breathtakingly
hypocritical. The appearance of
racial rectitude is perhaps America’s most
highly-regarded virtue, but it comes at essentially no
cost.
You don’t have to have
black friends, you don’t have to have Mexican
neighbors, you don’t have to
send your children to schools where no one speaks
English, and you don’t have to invite
Hmong refugees to your dinner parties. You can be
racially respectable without doing anything. Just gush
about the things you, yourself, carefully avoid:
integration,
multi-culturalism, and
diversity.
This is the Clinton/Kennedy/Bush racket.
People get away with it because everyone is in on the
charade. By any real racial test, by any measure that
requires sacrifice, everyone fails, so whites never
apply real tests to each other. Mouth the right clichés
and you’re on the side of the angels. Racial rectitude
is therefore the most cheaply bought virtue in American
history— and also the most easily forfeited. Because
only words matter, not deeds, a
single sentence can
wreck a career.
Idealistic? Americans are as tolerant as ever
of
whoring movie stars, lying politicians, executives
on the take, and thug athletes (mix the nouns and
modifiers any way you like). When it comes to race, all
they require is hypocrisy and slogans. The “idealism”
is fake—but everyone had better be equally fake. By
today’s twisted standards, a
man with
murder convictions could easily be the
moral superior of one who says he hopes the country
stays white.
This is yet another example of what happens when
whites lose the ability to think straight about race.
Few people realize how recently we jumped the tracks.
Up until the 1950s, whites took it for granted that this
was a country for white people and would stay that way.
They could not have imagined routine denigration of
whites and obligatory bleating about the joys of being
replaced by aliens. Every President up to
Eisenhower would have agreed with me, and would have
found Mr. Sailer’s views incomprehensible. It had
nothing to do with immigrants competing for jobs.
Americans liked the country whites had built and didn’t
want it mucked up.
The great, unanswered question in American—and
world—history, is why the white man lost his nerve and
went from warrior and colonizer to liberal and loser.
I don’t believe the traits that characterized whites
for all but 50 years of recorded history have
disappeared for ever. We should not prepare for the
future on the assumption that they have.
Although immigration is today the greatest threat to
the survival of Western Civilization on this continent,
it is hardly the only threat. Every social
problem—poverty, crime, illegitimacy, school failure—has
a clear racial dimension that Americans refuse to
recognize. There will be no honesty and no solutions
until whites clear their heads of cobwebs and start
thinking straight again. This will be better for
everyone.
At the same time, I apologize to no one for putting
my group first, just as non-whites do. Whites have a
duty to their ancestors and an obligation to their
children. Duty does not calculate the chances of
success, as Mr. Sailer would have us do. Duty calls us
to what is right.
My children deserve a country in which they can be
proud of their heritage, where their culture is taken
for granted, where their history is not treated like a
criminal record, where they can be confident their own
children will walk in the ways of their ancestors.
Indeed, all children deserve this—not just mine. This
is why multi-culturalism and multi-racialism are frauds.
Racial interests, like family interests, sometimes
cannot be reconciled. Every people should have the right
to pursue its destiny, free from the unwanted embrace of
others.
Decades of post-1965 immigration mean it will not be
easy to arrange this on our continent. But unless whites
awake from their 50-year trance, they will be pushed
aside by groups that have never lost sight of their
racial interests, and never will.
No one else cares whether whites or their
civilization survive. If whites do not regain the
capacity to defend their interests they condemn
themselves to oblivion.
Mr. Sailer, quoting
Enoch Powell, reminds us that
"the supreme function of statesmanship is to provide
against preventable evils."
I invite him to lend his considerable talents to
preventing a tragedy that would be as great as it would
be needless.
Jared Taylor (email
him) is editor of
American Renaissance
and the author of
Paved With Good
Intentions: The Failure of Race Relations in
Contemporary America.
(For Peter Brimelow’s review,
click
here.)