January 03, 2006
Near Thing: Americans Jobs Saved In
Congress—But For How Long?
By
Rob Sanchez
On November 2, 2005 Sen. Robert Byrd’s
words rang out on the floor of the Senate:
"this is baffling … it’s BAFFLING! …. BAFFLING!!! …. It
is baffling, I say!"
[Watch it in
RealVideo.]
But Byrd’s
valiant speech on behalf of American workers failed
to shame Senators from burying a provision deep inside
the Omnibus Spending Bill of 2005—a provision that could
have destroyed thousands of American jobs: a dramatic
increase in "employment-based visas."
Fortunately, the threat was parried in the last
legislative stages, right before Christmas. However,
there’s a moral for immigration reformers: it’s not
over till it’s over. The other side are like a
barrel-load of monkeys. Foiling their tricks will take
relentless vigilance—and ruthless determination.
This
bipartisan betrayal of American labor began when
Arlen Specter (R-PA) and Ted Kennedy (D-MA) introduced
an amendment to the Omnibus Spending bill allowing the
government to sell an additional 350,000
employment-based visas—ostensibly to raise money to fund
the U.S. budget deficit.
Supporters of the scheme, such as
Saxby Chambliss (R-GA) and Jon Kyl (R-AZ), claimed
that by selling these visas the U.S. could raise $113
million (phooey!) to help finance for our $2.6 trillion
(aargh!) federal budget.
Senator Chambliss made a comment on the floor of the
Senate that was all too typical: "The
reconciliation package, passed by the Senate
Judiciary Committee, by a vote of 14 to 2, will generate
$45 million annually from H -1B visa fees."
Only in Washington DC is it a good idea to finance an
infinitesimal fraction (less than a hundredth of one
percent) of the U.S. budget by forcing unemployment on
thousands U.S. workers.
The
foreigners who enter the U.S. on employment-based
visas often seek some of our
most desired jobs, in fields such as engineering,
computer programming,
science, teaching, and medicine. Employment-based
visas are supported by industry because the importation
of foreigners cuts labor costs by replacing U.S. workers
with
immigrants who are willing to accept lower salaries
and fewer benefits.
But, despite the fact that middle class workers are
having increasing difficulty finding meaningful
employment, and despite the fact that salaries for U.S.
workers are declining, the
Senators of the 109th Congress seemed
unfazed. Thousands of Americans would lose jobs because
of the visa sale—and yet it didn’t seem to occur to any
of them that unemployed citizens cease to be taxpayers,
and therefore contribute to government deficits.
This lame-brained scheme would have ended up
costing the treasury over
$3 billion in lost income tax revenue. But most of
the Senate seemed undaunted by this fact.
The Specter/Kennedy fundraising excuse was phony.
Senators simply used it to hide their sell-out to a
consortium of powerful
corporate special interest groups known as the
"cheap labor lobby".
Wads of corporate cash were spent to lobby the Senators
and the lure of that money was the most significant
factor in the near unanimous decision to vote in favor
of the visa increase.
Microsoft spent so much time and money on Capitol
Hill lobbying for the H-1B increase that some Washington
DC insiders were calling the legislation the
"Bill Gates" bill.
Arlen Specter’s amendment included the sale of 90,000
employment-based Green Cards for permanent residency,
and to sweeten the pot further, approximately 270,000
spouses and children of the visa holders would be
given authorization to work in the U.S.
Employers were to get an additional 30,000 H-1B
temporary guest-worker visas on top of the current
85,000 per year cap. All told, up to 350,000 foreigners
would be given permission by Congress to
work in the United States.
Sneaking the enormous visa increase in the Omnibus
Spending Bill was a slam dunk in the Senate. But it sank
like a lead balloon in the House of
Representatives—perhaps because there was a competing
bill to reform immigration: "The Border Protection,
Antiterrorism, and Illegal Immigration Control Act of
2005," or
H.R. 4437.
Nevertheless, attempts were still made to slip visa
increases into HR 4437, most notably the by two Arizona
congressmen.
Jeff Flake (R-AZ) failed in his misguided effort to put
language in HR 4437 that spelled out the need for an
expanded foreign guest worker program. And an amendment
by J.D. Hayworth (R-AZ) that
boosted the number of employment based Green Cards
from 140,000 a year to 205,000 was quietly removed when
House members began to sour on visa increases.
Hayworth’s amendment would have raised the number of
Green Cards by 65,000. One of Hayworth’s staffers
explained to me that Hayworth feels the U.S. needs
foreign workers and that it’s better to give them
permanent residency than to give them temporary guest
worker visas.
Hayworth also claims that he opposes amnesty. Yet he
doesn’t seem to understand that his Green Card giveaway
is tantamount to giving amnesty to visa over-stayers and
H-1Bs who want to become permanent residents.
Hayworth is known as an Arizonan who is
tough-on-immigration. So it was quite a surprise when he
voted against HR 4437. To read Hayworth’s convoluted
rationale used to justify his vote against H.R. 4437
read his Washington Times op-ed
Time for an immigration-enforcement bill.
(December 14, 2005)
But when the final Budget Reconciliation Bill was passed
by both the House and Senate, the big surprise was that
the cheap labor lobby failed to get ITS cherished visa
increase. Shockingly, the House prevailed over the
Senate. The decision was made to leave out visa
increases.
Historically, the corporate lobbyists have always
succeeded in pressuring Congress to slip visa increases
into spending bills—the 20,000 increase in H-1B visas in
the 2004 budget bill and the increase of H-1B visas from
65,000 to 115,000 in the 1999 budget bill are notable
examples.
This surprising defeat showed that the open-borders
lobby is really on the defensive.
The big question: why
didn’t Congress approve the visa increase?
It would be a mistake to conclude that 350,000 jobs were
saved due to a new patriotic fervor in Congress. Without
doubt, House members felt
pressure from
immigration reform groups such as
NumbersUSA,
FAIR,
Californians for Population Stabilization, and a few
dissident labor unions [VDARE.COM
note: See Don Collins
article on labor and
immigration today].
But the outcry they generated was not the sole reason
the visa increases languished. The sad fact is that
while the debate raged in Congress, most American
workers didn’t know what was going on.
Visa increases were most likely rejected because a
minority of representatives such as Tom Tancredo (R-CO)
opposed putting immigration provisions in the budget
bill as a matter of principle, and pragmatists such as
Lamar Smith (R-TX) wanted to avoid controversial
provisions that could slow the approval of the
critically urgent budget bill. Lamar Smith probably
expressed a majority view when he
said: "This is not the time or place for
controversial immigration provisions. We’re going to
need every Republican we can get to pass the budget
reconciliation bill."
Sensing defeat, the cheap-labor lobby probably didn’t
push hard for the visa increase when they realized that
the amendment to budget bill was running into trouble in
the House.
But their long term goal is still to get much larger
increases in visas for their corporate constituencies.
They have merely decided to fight another day. They
intend to lobby for a much larger comprehensive
immigration bill this year, containing a guest-worker
bill that will allow employers to obtain unlimited
numbers of visas to import foreign labor into the U.S.
Sandra Boyd, a spokesperson for the corporate-funded
lobby group CompeteAmerica, has made their intentions
known on their website: "We will expect these issues
to receive serious consideration by the appropriate
committees early next year."
[VDARE.COM note:
CompeteAmerica is a "coalition of more than 200
corporations, universities, research institutions and
trade associations” dedicated to a better, cheaper,
less American labor force.
Email them here.]
As labor economist
Gary Becker at the Hoover Institution has argued:
"I am proposing that H-1B visas be folded into a much
larger, employment ‘based green card program. The annual
quota should be multiplied and there should be no upper
bound on the numbers from any single country." [Give
Us Your Skilled Masses, WSJ, December 1,
2005]
Considering that in 2006 there are 435 House
Representatives and 35 Senators up for re-election,
there is hope that visa increases can be blocked.
If Americans speak loudly enough, incumbents will decide
that winning re-election is more important than
appeasing the corporate lobbyists.
Rob Sanchez (email
him) is a Senior Writing Fellow for
Californians for Population Stabilization
and author of the "Job Destruction Newsletter" (sign up for it
here) at
www.JobDestruction.com.