March 02, 2008
Why Barack Hussein Obama's Middle Name Matters
By Steve Sailer
No, it's
not because he's a
secret Muslim. Nobody has ever seen him engage in
Islamic rituals since he left
Indonesia at age ten.
Significantly, Islam's transracial
ethic had no appeal to Obama as a young adult, when his
obsession was proving he was
"black enough". He was proud of his
Kenyan grandfather for converting to Islam—but that
was because Obama mistakenly associated orthodox Islam
with the
black racism of Louis Farrakhan's
heretical Nation of Islam, which had long interested
him (see pp. 195-204 of Obama's Dreams from My Father: A Story of Race and Inheritance
).
Obama admired his black grandfather
for writing an angry letter to his white grandfather
"saying that he didn't want his one son
marrying white" (p. 406). Indeed, this ((bigamous)
marriage between
Obama's parents did prove disastrous, leaving its
one offspring psychologically
scarred for decades. At age 27, Obama was
disappointed to discover that his grandfather hadn't
been a member of the anti-white
Mau-Mau terrorist group—shockingly, he had been
a domestic servant for British colonialists.
The Republican fear that Obama is a
secret Muslim is silly, but so is the Democratic dream
that electing a black President will suddenly make
America popular in the Middle East. The sad reality is
that Middle Easterners treat their black minorities with
contempt. (See Robert F. Worth’s New York Times’ Feb.
28, 2008 article
Languishing at the Bottom of Yemen's Ladder,
about the horrific conditions under which the blacks
in that Arab country subsist.
No, to understand the reason
Obama's Muslim middle name matters, it's necessary
to first review America's strategic situation.
The good news: over the next decade at
least, America faces few, if any, serious foreign
military challenges. The only dangers the next President
will have to deal with are those, like
9-11, to which we
choose to make ourselves vulnerable because of
domestic pandering and political correctness.
A
quarter of a century ago, we were faced-off against
a military superpower
that had a fighting chance to drive its vast tank
armada through the Fulda Gap and all the way to the
Rhine. And if that didn't work, the Soviets could fall
back on their countless nuclear ICBMs.
Now, that was dangerous.
Today, in contrast, the rest of the
world is demilitarizing. America's military spending is
almost equal to that of all other countries on Earth (47
percent or
49 percent of the world's total, by two different
estimates).
But what about the ruthless
ambitions of Iran, which John McCain wants to
bomb-bomb-bomb? According to the
CIA World Factbook, Iran spent only
2.5 percent of its paltry GDP on defense in 2006,
compared to America's 4.06 percent. In 2003, Iran ranked
25th in absolute military spending, wedged among
such imposing military colossi as Singapore, Argentina,
Norway, and Belgium.
This doesn't mean we are safe. We
lost 3,000 people in a Muslim raid in 2001.
Yet, our military wasn't
overpowered. The twin towers weren't knocked down by jet
bombers launched from
Islamic aircraft carriers. (In fact, the 44
countries of the Muslim world don't have a single
carrier amongst them. We have 12,
each one larger than any other country's biggest
flattop).
No, we lost 3,000 lives because
we let 19 terrorists into our country and let them
roam around as they pleased. George W. Bush had
campaigned in 2000 against the
profiling of Muslims by airport security. His
Transportation Department was running a program in 2001
to crack down on the
"disparate impact" of security procedures on
air travelers with Arab names.
Michael Tuohey was the veteran U.S.
Air ticket agent at the Portland, Maine airport who
checked in head terrorist
Mohammed Atta and his companion Abdulaziz Alomari on
the morning of September 11, 2001, on the first leg of
their trip that ended with Atta piloting a hijacked jet
into the North Tower of the World Trade Center. In 2005,
Tuohey recounted:
“’I
thought they looked like two Arab terrorists but then I
berated myself for the
stereotype and did nothing.’”
David Hench of the Portland
Press Herald reported:
"It
wasn't just Atta's demeanor that caught Tuohey's
attention.’When I looked at their tickets, they had
first-class, one-way tickets - $2,500 tickets. Very
unusual,' he said. 'I guess they're not coming back.
Maybe this is the end of their trip.'"[Ticket
Agent Haunted by Brush with 9/11 Hijackers,
March 6, 2005]
It was.
Here's the FBI's list of the names
of the 19 terrorists:
“Mohamed Atta, Khalid Al-Midhar, Majed Moqed, Nawaq
Alhamzi, Salem Alhamzi, Hani Hanjour, Satam Al Suqami,
Waleed M. Alshehri, Wail Alshehri, Abdulaziz Alomari,
Marwan Al-Shehhi, Fayez Ahmed, Ahmed Alghamdi, Hamza
Alghamdi, Mohald Alshehri, Saeed Alghamdi, Ahmed
Alhaznawi, Ahmed Alnami, and Ziad Jarrahi.”
Notice a pattern?
In retaliation for 9/11, America
immediately did a sensible thing—overthrow the
government of
Afghanistan for hosting Al Qaeda. But then, upon
further reflection,
we did something that made no sense: invade and
occupy Iraq, a country that had nothing whatever to
do with 9/11.
When the last legless old Iraq War
veteran dies early in the 22nd Century and we can
finally total up the cost of our Mesopotamian
misadventure, it will add up to vast sums—five
trillion dollars is the latest guesstimate of Nobel
Laureate economist Joseph Stiglitz. That would be
$65,000 per American family of four.
And yet there is a logic of sorts
to the Bush-McCain
invade-the-world thinking. If we
continue to invite-the-world, if we won't defend our
legal borders, we'll have to militarily push our
effective borders out to the ends of the earth.
But, of course, as we've seen in
Iraq, we can't conquer the world (unless we want to
slaughter millions, which we don't).
Nevertheless, we've taken few
effective steps to secure our borders. The Bush
Administration's plan for a
"virtual fence" was revealed to be a
virtual hoax this week. Similarly, almost exactly
five years after 15 young Saudi men helped carry out
9/11, President Bush announced a deal with the King of
Saudi Arabia to bring in
15,000 more young Saudi men to study at American
colleges—
quintupling the number of the compatriots of
Atta at American universities.
This disarray in American
policy-making shouldn't be too surprising. The fall of
the Soviet Union removed the organizing, disciplining
principle behind American foreign policy. So it has
reverted to the up-for-grabs system of the early 1900s,
when various interest groups and crusaders could
temporarily hijack it for their own purposes. If the
United Fruit Co. was having trouble in a banana
republic, send in the
Marines. If
Teddy Roosevelt or
Woodrow Wilson wanted a war for large, misty
reasons, send in the Army. Similarly, our post-1991
foreign policy has been driven more by small groups of
enthusiasts than by any rational conception of the
national interest that, say,
George Washington or
George Kennan would have recognized.
In contrast to
Yosemite Sam McCain, Obama doesn't appear to be a
natural enthusiast. It's not at all clear that he's a
realist, but, like most African-Americans, he doesn't
seem hugely interested in abroad. (With one major
exception, of course: Africa, where his key advisors
Susan E. Rice and Anthony Lake have
long been demanding an American military attack upon
Sudan over
Darfur, an inaccessible wasteland of zero strategic
interest to the U.S.)
The bad news: it seems awfully unlikely
that Obama will do the simple, practical thing to
protect America from terrorism—make it a lot harder
for
people with names like, oh, say, "Hussein" to
come to America.
Of course, John McCain won't do it
either. His
friends in the media would be shocked. It would be
far more pleasant on the Straight Talk Express if he
merely launched a war with Iran.
And, theoretically, there's some
slight
Nixon-to-China chance that a President named "Hussein"
would try to make it less easy for
foreign Muslims to wander about America at will.
Unfortunately, there's no
indication so far that Obama might do this.
Perhaps
somebody should ask him about it.
[Steve Sailer (email
him) is founder of the Human Biodiversity Institute and
movie critic
for
The American Conservative.
His website
www.iSteve.blogspot.com
features his daily blog.]