August 20, 2007
Looking For (Illegal) Immigrants? Follow The Cash.
Most Americans carry
less cash and make greater use of
debit and
credit cards today than a decade ago.
Electronic transactions are faster, safer, and offer
goodies like percentage credits and bonus miles. They’re
also cheaper. Digital money doesn’t have to printed,
guarded, trucked, or counted.
But, unexpectedly, the
trend to a cashless society appears to have been
reversed. In
Against
the tide –Currency use among Latin American Immigrants
in Chicago,
[PDF] three Federal Reserve economists report that domestic
holdings of cash as a percent of GDP, after declining
steadily from 1965 to1995, has increased substantially
since then.
One denomination in
particular—the $100 bill—is leading the reversion to
cash. Since 1995 the value of $100 bills in circulation
has doubled.
Latin American
immigrants are fueling most of the demand for the big
bills.
To establish the link
between immigration and cash the economists correlated
currency disbursements with the proportion of immigrants
(both from Latin America and from other regions) by zip
codes in the
Chicago metro area. Among the 175 zip codes
surveyed, the Hispanic immigrant population share ranged
from less than one percent to 49 percent. Per capita
holdings of $100 bills ranged from zero to a high of
$2,194. So the number of
$100 bills per capita held in a neighborhood is
positively correlated to the percentage of a
neighborhood’s population from Latin America. The
correlation coefficient implies that each 1 percent rise
in a neighborhood’s
Hispanic immigrant population share increases the
number of $100 bills by 4.7 percent.
The vast majority of
ATMs dispense only $20s. So it’s really remarkable
that Latin American immigrants hold so much of their
cash in $100s.
For immigrants from
regions other than Latin America, the $100 bill
correlation is negative. These individuals are, on
average,
more educated and earn more than their Hispanic
counterparts. They speak better English (“though by a
very
slim margin,” according to the Fed economists.)
More importantly, they
are less likely than immigrants from Latin America to
have no bank account:
|
No
bank; no paper trail. Why?
(Percent
of unbanked in the U.S., 2000) |
|
U.S.-born |
Foreign-born |
|
White |
14% |
Mexican |
53% |
|
Black |
46% |
Other
Latin American |
37% |
|
Hispanic |
34% |
Asian |
20% |
|
Other |
34% |
European |
17% |
|
Total |
17% |
Total |
32% |
|
Source:
U.S. Census Bureau; 2000 Survey of Income
and Program Participation.
(As
reported in Carrie Jankowski, et al.,
“Against the Tide—Currency use among Latin
American immigrants in Chicago,”
Economic Perspectives, Federal Reserve
Bank of Chicago, 2Q 2007.
PDF ) |
A surprisingly
large 17 percent of households headed by U.S.-born
persons
do not have a checking account. For them the most
commonly reported reasons are 1) they write too few
checks to make it worthwhile (28 percent), 2) don’t like
dealing with banks (23 percent), 3) have insufficient
funds (14 percent), or 4) find the service charges too
high (12 percent).
Hispanic immigrants
have other issues. Illegal aliens are reluctant to
reveal their status to a bank, even though the U.S.
Treasury
now gives banks leeway to decide what forms of
identification they will accept. Illegals with
Matricula cards (ID cards issued by a Mexican
consulate in the U.S.) are permitted to open bank
accounts in some states, including Illinois.
Mexican immigrants
working
off the books are usually
paid in cash, and must pay bills and other expenses
(such as rent) in cash. Many
leave and re-enter the country multiple times,
paying coyotes substantial amounts—in cash—for each
episode.
Incredibly,
Mexicans living in Mexico are
estimated to have dollar cash holdings equal
to half of the average cash holdings U.S. residents
living in the U. S., according to the Fed study. So
Mexicans come here trusting and feeling comfortable with
holding U.S. dollars.
Remittances are
primarily a cash-to-cash transaction: Mexican immigrants
present cash at a
Western Union counter, and the recipient in Mexico
picks up the funds in cash.
Banks in both the U.S. and Mexico have begun
offering free checking and money transfer services to
capture a larger share of
this market. But there’ve been few takers: As of
2004 less than 5 percent of remittances were done via
direct deposit into
bank accounts.
Interestingly, the
Fed researchers found crime rates to be negatively
correlated to holdings of $100 bills. This may reflect
the propensity of non-criminals in high crime
neighborhoods to carry less cash on their person.
Although
drug dealing involves enormous sums of cash, it is a
victimless crime. Most illicit sales are unreported
and are not reflected in the neighborhood crime rate. (
Muggings undertaken to finance a
drug habit rarely net $100 bills.)
This is not to say
no link exists between cash and immigrant crime. That
relationship is perhaps best seen by tracking remittance
flows between the U.S. and Mexico.
Remote Mexican states that send relatively few
immigrants to the U.S., but which are centers of the
drug trade, receive a disproportionate share of
remittances. [See Migration, the Diaspora and
development: The case of Mexico, By Agustín Escobar
and Latapí Eric Janssen (PDF)
p. 9, note 20]
The International
Monetary Fund
estimates that money laundering accounts for two to
five percent of global GDP. In a narco state it is
surely much more.
Edwin S. Rubenstein (email
him) is President of
ESR Research Economic Consultants in Indianapolis.