July 31, 2007
Legal
Immigration—The Bigger Problem
Everyone is
against illegal immigration (they
say). Problem: legal immigration is
actually the bigger problem.
How many
legal immigrants enter the U.S. each year? Let me
count the ways they come in! (With apologies to the
poet.)
The 1990 immigration law
"capped" legal immigration at 700,000 persons a
year. Yet since 1990, there’ve been only two years in
which legal immigration has been below that level.
In 2006,
1,266,264 people were granted legal permanent resident
status. That’s a record if you exclude the
post-IRCA amnesty spike of the early 1990s—which
reflected the
1986 amnestying of illegal aliens already here.
In contrast, the stock of
illegals in the US is growing by an estimated
500,000/year. [The Size and Characteristics of the
Unauthorized Migrant Population in the U.S., by
Jeffrey S. Passel, Pew Hispanic Center, 2006.
PDF]
There are about 26 million legal immigrants in the
country. Notoriously, the
U.S. government doesn’t know how many illegals are here.
The official estimate is 12 million, but it could be as
high as
20 million. This is certainly a scandalous
situation. But, either way, there are still more legal
immigrants—and their numbers are growing faster.
Why doesn't the 1990 "cap" on legal
immigration work? Because it exempts
"immediate family"
of U.S. citizens. Current
immigration law allows both naturalized and U.S.–born
citizens to bring in their spouses, children and parents
without limit—a never-ending chain. Legal residents
(i.e. Green Card holders),
may have to wait several years before bringing their
families to America (legally). But of course, once
they're here, they're here.
The "immediate family" loophole
accounted for 580,483 immigrants in 2006, slightly less
than half of all legal immigrants admitted that year.
Over the past decade it has been the largest category of
legal immigrant admissions. (See
Table 1.)
About half of all legal immigrants were already in
the country prior to becoming a
"legal immigrant" through
various maneuvers.
One way in which this can happen arises out of the
current misinterpretation of the "citizen child"
clause of the
14th Amendment. A child
born to an illegal alien in the U.S. is
automatically a U.S. citizen—an
"anchor baby."
In the present climate, this means the parents are hard
to deport as a practical matter—and the child will be
able to petition his parents into the U.S. legally when he
reaches 18. (An estimated 300,000 "anchor babies"
are
born in California each year.)
Or an illegal alien can
marry a
U.S. citizen. (An Asian marriage ring was recently
broken up by the ICE—one woman, Julie Tran, pled guilty
to being involved in "as
many as 75 sham marriages," a
scam to get green cards for both local and overseas
clients.)
Refugees are another category exempt from the
worldwide limit. A
refugee is defined as "an
alien outside the United States who is unable or
unwilling to return to his or her country of nationality
because of persecution or a
well founded fear of persecution."
A sister category—asylee—refers
to such people who have somehow already gotten into the
U.S.
Any Somali or Hmong can show up at a Catholic
Charity intake office in
Mogadishu or
Bangkok and be processed as a refugee.
The refugee and asylee categories are just another
form of expedited immigration. As
Peter Brimelow points out in
Alien Nation (Page 82), more than 80% of refugees have relatives
already here—something that would be impossible if these
individuals had truly been selected at random from
disenfranchised peoples.
216,454 refugees and asylees were admitted in 2006.
The "diversity lottery"
is
another end-run around immigration laws. It allows
millions of people around the world to send in an
electronic lottery number from which 50,000 winners are
picked each year.
Since no ties to relatives in the U.S. are required,
the program was supposed to allow a more geographically
diverse group of people to obtain permanent resident
status.
It hasn’t worked. Most the winning lottery tickets
are eventually disqualified because of fraud—many
individuals sending in multiple entries under different
aliases. And the winners are disproportionately from the
Muslim world—with several
implicated in
terrorism in the United States.
And then there are legal "non-immigrants,"
a group that includes H-1Bs who are admitted
because their (allegedly)
high-tech skills are (allegedly)
in short supply. H-1Bs are capped at 65,000. But a
whopping 407,418 were actually admitted in 2006.
That’s because the "cap" pertains only
to persons working in the private sector.
Universities and non-profits can apply for an unlimited
number of H-1Bs—even though most of these "exempt"
H-1bs eventually get green cards and become naturalized
citizens.
Another guest worker program, the H-2B, admits
persons who "perform services unavailable in the
U.S." They’re mainly
seasonal workers in
tourist areas and
construction sites. This program is also "capped"
at
66,000 per year. But—as with its H-1B cousin—the cap
exempts students and individuals working for
non-profits. 87,000 H-2Bs were admitted in 2004, the
latest year of
available data.
And in
case you’re wondering, the anchor baby loophole applies
to guest workers also. H-1Bs and H-2Bs
are allowed to bring in
spouses (and children). These are not counted
towards the "cap." And, as with illegal aliens, a
baby born here means they are hard to deport and can
ultimately be sponsored in by their citizen child.
The
legal immigration problem has
dropped off America’s radar screen—displaced by the
undeniable
crisis over illegals.
But legal immigration is larger, growing faster,
potentially more disruptive—and,
because it is set by inflexible statute, just as much
out of control.
Edwin S. Rubenstein (email
him) is President of
ESR Research Economic Consultants in Indianapolis.