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July 27, 2006
Cuban
Immigration and the Myth of Miami
Even
immigration skeptics rarely challenge the role of Cuban
immigrants in reviving Miami’s economic fortunes. For
example, Samuel (Who
Are We and
The Clash of Civilizations and the remaking of World
Order) Huntington writes:
"The elite and entrepreneurial class
fleeing from the regime of
Cuban dictator Fidel Castro in the 1960s started
domestic economic development in South Florida. Unable
to
send money home, they invested in Miami. Personal
income growth in Miami averaged 11.5 percent a year in
the 1970s and 7.7 percent a year in the
1980s."
The Hispanic Challenge By Samuel P. Huntington,
Foreign Policy,March/April 2004
Certainly a whole lot of Cubans immigrated. Prior to
1960 Cubans made up just 5 percent of metro Miami’s
population. Over the next 20 years more than 500,000
migrated to Miami. The earliest arrivals were
the political and military elite, followed by
physicians, lawyers, and other professionals. Later
arrivals, while generally less educated and of lower
occupational status, were far better off than the
typical Cuban.
And
note that Miami’s post-1960 Cuban immigrants were
granted refugee status—making them eligible for federal
training, cash, and resettlement programs not
available to other immigrant groups.
But
despite these advantages, Miami did not in fact fare as
well as other major Sun Belt cities. Here are real per
capita income growth rates for selected metropolitan
areas over the 1959 to 1979 period:
(Table 1.)
 | Miami: 63.5 percent |
 | Houston: 88.2 percent |
 | Dallas: 71.0 percent |
 | Atlanta: 70.7 percent |
 | Phoenix: 71.6 percent |
Cuban
entrepreneurship did not prevent income of the
average Miamian from falling behind the U.S.
average. In 1959, for example, Miami’s per capita income
($7,915 in 1989 dollars) was 9 percent above the U.S.
average. By 1979 it was 5.8 percent above; by 1989 Miami
was 5.1 percent below the U.S. average.
Miami’s relative decline stands in sharp contrast to
other Sun Belt locales. Here are metropolitan area per
capita incomes as a percent of the U.S. average in 1959
and 1979:
(Table 2.)
 | Miami: 109.0 percent; 105.8 percent |
 | Houston: 109.8 percent; 122.7 percent |
 | Dallas: 114.8 percent; 116.5 percent |
 | Atlanta: 104.0 percent; 105.4 percent |
 | Phoenix: 103.8 percent; 105.7 percent |
What
gives with Miami? Two things, both important when we
think about immigration and the economy.
First,
the Sun Belt was beginning to boom anyway when the
Cubans arrived. One reason, as Steve Sailer has
argued: is
air conditioning. The Cubans jumped, very
effectively, on a band wagon that was already
rolling—just as the 1880-1920
"Great Wave" of immigrants did with the U.S.
economy at large. We are regularly told that they
"built America", but in fact, as Richard A.
Easterlin pointed out in his essay "Immigration: and
Social Characteristics" in the
Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups,
"All these conditions [for economic growth]
existed prior to the vast 19th-century
immigration, and would have continued to operate even in
the absence of that immigration."
Second, immigration has a redistribution effect. There
is no denying the
economic success of Miami’s Cubans. In per capita
terms, they’ve surely gotten richer faster that the
average U.S. citizen. But they function within an
"enclave economy" that confers benefits primarily on
individuals who speak their language and share their
culture. Native-born Americans are arguably worse off
than they would have been if Miami’s growth weren’t so
ethno-centric.
Particularly American blacks. Professor Harold Rose has
described describes the economic downside Cuban culture
has meant for Black residents:
"The prevalence of Spanish as an important language
of commerce should not be underestimated as a barrier
making
Black access to selected sectors of the economy
difficult. As important as language has become in
announcing to the world the importance of
Cuban culture, it is the outlook, attitude, and
world view of the exile population itself that does most
to hamper support for policies that might best address
issues of primary Black concern." [
Blacks
and Cubans in Metropolitan Miami’s Changing Economy
Harold M. Rose University of Wisconsin - Milwaukee ,
1988]
Another immigration myth bites the dust.
Edwin S. Rubenstein (email
him) is President of
ESR Research Economic Consultants in Indianapolis. |