December 18, 2002
Hate and Ignorance at Vanderbilt
By Paul Craig Roberts
Just before Thanksgiving the editor of the Nashville
newspaper, The Tennessean, and Vanderbilt
University professor
Jonathan Farley teamed up to commit a
hate crime.
Farley wrote, and the Tennessean published, an
article that attacked the
United Daughters of the Confederacy for what Farley
calls “honoring traitors.” Farley’s article brims
with hatred of Confederate Army soldiers and their
descendants.
Farley wrote: “Every Confederate soldier, by the
mores of his age and ours, deserved not a hallowed
resting place at the end of his days but a reservation
at the end of the gallows. . . . Indeed, the race
problems that wrack America to this day are due largely
to the fact that the Confederacy was not thoroughly
destroyed, its leaders and soldiers executed and their
lands given to the landless freed slaves.”
Farley feels this way even though he is the child of
West Indian immigrants whose ancestors were not part of
America’s Southern history.
Farley’s fuse was lit when the UDC objected to the
removal of “Confederate” from the name of a building,
Confederate Memorial Hall, which the UDC raised
money to build in the 1930s. The UDC want their money
back, but Farley wants it paid as reparations to
descendants of black slaves.
Considering the
offense Senator Trent Lott’s
tribute to centenarian Strom Thurmond caused blacks,
how might southern whites feel about getting the finger
from Professor Farley?
Perhaps Farley would be less intolerant if he were
better informed. He thinks the Civil War was about
slavery, and that the Confederacy was about persecuting
and torturing blacks.
It is hard to believe, but in a number of northern
states free blacks had fewer rights than slaves in the
South. Historian
Charles Adams reports that Indiana and Ohio
prohibited free Negroes from entering the state. Lincoln
never spoke against the Illinois law (1853) that barred
black people from residing in that state. The Oregon
constitution (1859) prohibited blacks from coming into
the state, holding property, making contracts or filing
a lawsuit.
Northern states that permitted black residency did
not permit blacks to attend the theater or school, nor
could blacks be admitted to hospitals. De Tocqueville
wrote that the southern people were “much more
tolerant and compassionate” toward blacks than were
northerners. In 1862 the North British Review
wrote that “free Negroes are treated like lepers”
in the north.
President Lincoln made it abundantly clear that the
Civil War was not about slavery. He invaded the
Confederacy in order to maintain the union and the
revenue base for his expansionist plans.
In 1862 Lincoln wrote a
public letter to New York Tribune editor
Horace Greeley: “My paramount object in this struggle
is to save the Union, and is not either to save or to
destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without
freeing any slave, I would do it. What I do about
slavery, and the colored race, I do because I believe it
helps to save the Union.”
When Lincoln declared the
Emancipation Proclamation as a war time measure
hoping to stir up a slave rebellion in the South
(northern slaves and those in Confederate territory
under Union control were not freed), Union General
“Fighting Joe” Hooker
wrote to Lincoln that “a large element of the army
had taken sides against it, declaring that they would
never have embarked in the war had they anticipated this
action of the government.”
Pulitzer Prize winner David Herbert Donald documents
that Lincoln, “well into his presidency,” wanted to
solve the “Negro problem” by sending all blacks back to
Africa. Lincoln had a
colonization scheme for sending blacks to Liberia.
This would keep blacks from migrating to the northern
states “where they would compete with white
laborers.” Lincoln justified his scheme in terms of
“restoring a captive people to their long-lost
father-land, with bright prospects for the future.”
If Lincoln had not been assassinated by
John Wilkes Booth, he might have carried off his
scheme. The northern states would have whole-heartedly
supported it, and perhaps the defeated southern states
as well.
Lincoln had the power to implement his scheme. He had
acquired dictatorial powers early in the war simply
by asserting them. He ignored
rulings by the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court,
suspended habeas corpus, arrested state legislators
and newspaper editors, and exiled
a U.S. Representative. Indeed, it was his exercise
of dictatorial power that caused his assassination.
As a Vanderbilt professor, Farley should know that
slaves were brought by European colonists to the South
prior to the existence of the United States. Slaves were
brought there not because the Confederacy (which did not
exist at that time) wished to mistreat blacks, but
because there was no labor force to work the fertile
agricultural lands.
The black slaves brought to North America were
captured and sold into slavery by other blacks. The
African slave market in Dahomey was operated by blacks.
The southern states emerged from colonies in which
slavery was an established institution. As economic
historians have noted, [PDF]
slavery was on the way out as a growing population
provided a free labor market.
Farley calls the people of the old South “cowards
masquerading as civilized men” who visited
“tyranny and evil” upon millions of blacks. What
virtues did The Tennessean see in this ignorant
hate-filled diatribe? Where is the apology for the
offense it gives?
Paul
Craig Roberts is the author with Lawrence M. Stratton of
The Tyranny of Good Intentions : How Prosecutors and
Bureaucrats Are Trampling the Constitution in the Name
of Justice. Click
here for Peter
Brimelow’s Forbes
Magazine interview with Roberts about the recent
epidemic of prosecutorial misconduct.
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