March 27, 2003
Unintended Consequences of Earlier Reforms Bite
Market Hard
Washington Times, March 16, 2003
The Number: How The Drive For Quarterly Earnings
Corrupted Wall Street And Corporate America By Alex
Berenson Random House, $24.95, 274 pages
By Paul Craig Roberts
Alex Berenson is a New York Times business reporter,
who sniffed out a couple of the accounting scandals that
investors and Wall Street analysts failed to spot. In
"The Number: How the Drive for Quarterly Earnings
Corrupted Wall Street and Corporate America," Mr.
Berenson capitalizes on the public's interest in the
accounting scandals that have contributed to investors'
disappointed hopes in equity performance during these
first years of the new millennium.
The book consists of two parts. The first is a
journalistic history of previous booms and busts and the
reforms and regulatory responses they provoked. The
second part is a journalistic account of the long bull
market beginning in the early 1980s and the subsequent
bust of the past three years. There are two brief
appendices that illustrate with simple examples how
executives can fudge their financial statements.
Mr. Berenson's unifying theme is the focus that
analysts, investors and executives place on quarterly
earnings as a company's success indicator. He shows how
this focus intensified over time and concludes that
quarterly earnings became a cult on the altar of which
were sacrificed the ethics of executives and accountants
and the caution of analysts and investors.
The introduction of price competition among the Big
Eight accounting firms combined with the use of stock
options as a major source of executive compensation to
unleash incentives to fictionalize the quarterly
earnings number. In some instances misleading earnings
reports were created without violating Securities and
Exchange Commission rules by pushing accepted accounting
practices to the point that they became misleading. In
other instances, fictional reports were cases of
outright fraud.
Mr. Berenson separates cases of accounting gimmickry
from fraud as he takes the reader through scandals that
led to investor disappointment in Lucent, Lernout &
Hauspie, Cendant, Computer Associates, Enron, Tyco,
WorldCom and Green Tree Financial. In some of these
cases executives took fortunes out of companies by
exercising options on the basis of fictional earnings.
Clearly, there are executives who value money more
than reputation, or perhaps they believe money is
reputation.
Mr. Berenson believes that the legislative response
(Sarbanes-Oxley) to the scandals is insufficient and
that Wall Street and the accounting industry have
succeeded in blocking measures that would have
strengthened the Securities and Exchange Commission.
"The Number" is readable and succeeds on one level.
However, it fails on another. A reader could come away
thinking that quarterly earnings and stock options are
devices designed by Wall Street and corporate executives
for the purpose of enriching themselves through corrupt
accounting. A reader could also come away with the
belief that accounting firms broke up their cartel with
price competition in order to be able to sideline
straight-laced partners and chase the fast buck.
What Mr. Berenson fails to tell us is that the very
factors that produced the scandals focus on quarterly
earnings, stock options, and price competition between
accounting firms are themselves the reforms of
yesterday, reforms that were supposed to increase
investor protection. Without realizing it, Mr. Berenson
has explained the recent accounting scandals as
unintended consequences of previous reforms.
Quarterly earnings reports are the result of reform
that aimed at providing investors with more timely
information about the profitability and financial
condition of public companies.
Stock options resulted from reforms that sought to
tie executive compensation to shareholder return as
measured by the company's stock price. Another reform
capped executive salaries at $1 million. Compensation
above this amount must be paid out of after-tax profits
or justified by performance.
The practice of giving executives large options whose
value depends on driving up quarterly earnings (the
measure of performance) came from this reform.
In the early 1990s the S.E.C. itself launched
fictional quarterly earnings reports when the agency
changed Rule 16b. Previously, executives who exercised
their stock options were required to purchase the stock
at the option price and to hold it for six months before
selling. The rule change permitted executives to sell
the stock the minute they exercised their options, thus
eliminating the executives' exposure to the market.
Where were the accountants? They, too, were victims
of government policy. Traditionally, accounting relied
on character and internal censure. In a judgmental era,
loose dealings ruined reputations. Partners were paid
according to seniority. The accounting industry operated
under self-imposed bans on price competition and
advertising.
With charges that the absence of price competition
was anticompetitive, the Federal Trade Commission and
the U.S. Department of Justice foolishly destroyed this
accounting culture during the 1970s. Competition on the
basis of reputation and probity was replaced with price
competition. Partners ceased to be paid by seniority;
instead, they were paid according to the business they
brought to their firms. Accounting firms began
consulting with the corporations that they audited,
adding conflict of interest ingredients to the more
accommodating stance toward clients that price
competition had forced upon accountants.
Mr. Berenson missed the big story of the reform roots
of the recent accounting scandals, because he believes
that government regulation and S.E.C. rules are
substitutes for character. In truth it was government
rules and reforms that created the incentives which
destroyed a culture that valued ethics, reputation and
good character.
Standard accounting practices are like door locks.
They keep honest people honest. But they cannot prevent
fraud any more than a door lock can prevent forcible
entry. Accounting principles focused on providing an
accurate picture of financial health. Government
responded to cases of fraud with rules and regulations,
and gradually a rule-based system took shape. In today's
rule-based system, misleading accounting is permissible
as long as companies and their accountants stay within
the S.E.C. rules. Character shortage is not limited to
the business arena. After the Clinton years not even the
naive can view government as a house of rectitude.
Recent books from media insiders have made it clear
that big media has agendas that subordinate objective
reporting. High schools, universities and even the
military academies are sullied by cheating. The General
Accounting Office reports that the government's own
books are in such terrible condition that they cannot
even be audited.
What becomes of character when quotas push less
qualified people ahead of the meritorious and when
character-building institutions, such as the Boy Scouts,
are attacked for attempting to protect youthful members
from homosexuals and pedophiles? When universities teach
that character is a social construct that masks an
elitist, repressive, or hegemonic outlook, how can
character flourish?
Mr. Berenson believes that arming the S.E.C. with
bigger budgets and more power is the key to more
accurate financial reporting. But when character is
lost, rules and punishments cannot take its place.
Redemption lies not in bigger government, but in
restoring the culture that valued character. The
scandals have made executives and accountants look worse
than they are.
Malfeasance remains the exception. During the recent
scandals, several hundred firms restated their earnings,
a small percentage of more than 14,000 public companies.
Moreover, a restatement is not an admission of fraud,
and could merely indicate a company's preference for a
more conservative posture in light of the changed
environment.
The federal government's decision to destroy Arthur
Andersen, an accounting firm with 85,000 employees
worldwide, for the misdeeds of a few seems as reckless
as Enron's accounting. Surely if so many accountants
were looking the other way while executives falsified
earnings reports, more than 25 people would be facing
charges today. How much additional accounting and
regulatory costs do we want to impose on businesses
which are already operating with a high degree of
compliance with the rules?
Paul Craig Roberts is a
columnist for The Washington Times and is nationally
syndicated.