Gambler Dan
By Peter Brimelow
[Originally published in
Forbes Magazine, February 1, 1993]
As sex was a taboo subject with the Victorians, so
with us is the subject of group differences in IQ.
Daniel T. Seligman is distracted. He is frequently
distracted. His small, slim figure can often be seen
moving distractedly through Fortune magazine's
corridors like a shy, slightly austere version of Alice
in Wonderland's White Rabbit, preoccupied by his popular
"Keeping Up" column.
But today, secure in his Upper East Side Manhattan
apartment burrow where he works, Seligman's distraction
has a surprisingly unscholarly cause: gambling. He is
banker for a syndicate that is attempting to "pick six"
- select six winners in a row - at New York's Belmont
Racetrack.
Gambling, in many forms, is a passion with Seligman.
The 210-megabyte computer in his home office contains a
meticulous cumulative record of his winnings and losses
over several years. Chiefly losses at the moment,
despite reasonable winnings on the presidential
election. "It's been a bad year," he says wryly.
Now Seligman is making a different sort of gamble,
potentially career-wrecking for anyone without his
professional status and seniority. (At 68, in his
forty-third year with Time Warner and his seventeenth
year of "Keeping Up," he's technically retired and on
contract.) In
A Question of Intelligence: The IQ Debate in America
(Birch Lane Press, $16.95), Seligman defies one of
the most powerful contemporary taboos. He reports,
clearly and calmly, the mounting scientific evidence
that human intelligence:
* can be measured;
* matters, a lot;
* differs by heredity (50% to 80%);
* (most controversially) differs, on average, among
various groups, such as races.
Seligman says the modern taboo against discussing
intelligence and race can be compared only with the
Victorians' repressiveness about sex. He's nearly been
repressed already. Whittle Communications originally
commissioned his book but backed off, although paying
the full fee, apparently because it feared repercussions
in the school market. Seven major publishers declined
the manuscript thereafter.
And this taboo has led to an extraordinary paradox.
Seligman points to an exhaustive survey by Mark
Snyderman and Smith College's Stanley Rothman, published
in 1988 as
The IQ Controversy, that documented how all the
above points are regularly denied in the popular media
but simultaneously quietly accepted by the majority of
experts, such as behavioral geneticists and cognitive
scientists.
The conventional objection to IQ tests: They are
inevitably "culturally biased." But Seligman reports
that during the 1980s scientists decisively refuted this
claim in several ways. For example, the University of
Minnesota's massive survey of separately reared
identical twins has found uncanny similarity in their
IQs, and many other characteristics, despite extreme and
even bizarre variations in their environments. (In one
case, the twins were raised respectively as a Hitler
Youth member and as an observant Jew.) Similarly, the
work of Berkeley's Arthur Jensen suggests that IQ is directly correlated
with objective material realities, such as fast reaction
time and various physical processes within the brain
itself.
There is, of course, no mystery in the widespread
denial about IQ. It has offensive implications in a
society based on the commendable proposition that all
men are created equal so far as their rights are
concerned. IQ, however, is not about rights; it is about
ability.
Forbes: You report that, on average, identical
twins are 5 points lower in IQ than single births, and
this may be why there have been relatively few prominent
identical twins. Well, I'm an identical twin. If I tell
you I find this offensive, your answer would be (a) it's
true on average, not for every individual and (b) too
bad?
Seligman (perhaps demonstrating why he is
uncomfortable doing radio talk shows): Yeah.
Twins are not a political issue (yet). But blacks and
other minorities emphatically are. Seligman's figures
show that American blacks have consistently tested, on
average, about 15 to 18 points below American whites,
who average 102.
Seligman does not argue that this means any white you
stop in the street will be necessarily smarter than any
black. Group averages tell nothing about individuals.
Blacks score at all ability levels, including the very
highest. Individual black scores as high as 200 have
been recorded. There are about 5 million American blacks
who score above the white average.
And for those who still believe in white supremacy,
Seligman has bad news: On average whites score lower in
IQ tests than East Asians.
So why drag all this into the open at a time when
reasonable people want better race relations? Seligman's
answer: Since IQ is a good measure of potential job
performance, it cannot be ignored in hiring and
promotion, as affirmative action quota policies dictate.
He suggests that, in attempting to ensure equal
representation at every level, public policy may be on a
collision course with reality.
Intelligence in a population, Seligman points out, is
distributed in a "normal" or bell-shaped curve around
the average, or median, score. The further from the
median, the more dramatically the number of individuals
in that range shrinks.
Thus an IQ level of 115 is considered the threshold
for top managerial and professional jobs. Only about 16%
of whites, or about 30 million, score at or above it.
There are many individual blacks in that range. But
their proportion of the total black population is
smaller, because the 115 threshold is further from the
black median IQ.
Seligman cites University of Delaware sociologist
Linda Gottfredson's work: "It suggests that the
distribution of income and occupations may already be
about what the IQ numbers would predict."
"The black-white IQ gap is only one chapter out of
15 in the book," Seligman says. But, he adds
resignedly, "It's what people really want to talk
about."
Among the issues discussed in those other 14
chapters: the potential productivity gains if testing
were more widely used (enormous, perhaps as much as 1%
to 2.5% of GNP); the slippage of IQ with advancing years
perhaps more than 20 points from age 25 to age 60); and,
unexpectedly, that love is not blind (the IQs of
husbands and wives correlate as closely as the IQs of
siblings).
Then there's the case of East Asians and Jews. Both
score significantly above the white average. But in
quite different ways - East Asians are more spatial,
Jews more verbal.
Seligman has this fact handy if (and when) he is
accused of Nazism. "I'm not aware that the Nazis were
interested in IQ testing. It would have shown that what
they called an inferior race was actually superior."
Even more unexpected, Seligman says, twin studies
seem to show a strong genetic component in political
attitudes. He normally ascribes his own politics to the
philosopher Sidney Hook, with whom he studied at New
York University. But this finding has made him think
anew about his father, son of a Jewish immigrant from
Lithuania, who he says was "the only Republican in
the fur business."
Seligman's mother was an Irish Catholic in the days
when mixed marriages were rare. He himself has been a
discreetly devout atheist since the age of 9. Seligman
and his wife of 39 years have two children and four
grandchildren, the most recent two adopted Guatemalan
boys.
Gambling at Belmont is one thing. Isn't gambling by
taking on this forbidden subject something else?
As a battle-scarred columnist, Seligman laughs
grimly. "You get worse mail when you attack the
feminists," he says.
December 01, 2002