Alien Nation Review: NR, May 1995
- Francis
National
Review, May 1, 1995 v47 n8 p76(2) Samuel Francis
Hercules and the Hydra
Alien
Nation: Common Sense About America's Immigration
Disaster.
Samuel Francis.
© National Review Inc. 1995
AFTER a decade and a half of
confinement to fairly obscure pamphlets and technical
monographs, the case against massive immigration has
at last found a champion whose book, in the wake of
the landslide passage of California's Proposition 187
last year, is likely to inform and shape the national
discussion of immigration for years to come. As both a
consumer and a producer of such obscure literature
myself, I have to acknowledge that the author, a
respected financial journalist at Forbes
and a senior editor of this magazine, as well as a
sort of perennial immigrant -- from Great Britain to
Canada to the United States -- has mined those
pamphlets and monographs well. Peter Brimelow's Alien Nation reproduces much of their argument and research in a
format that makes it both the most comprehensive and
the most readable contribution to the anti-immigration
side now available.
One feature of Alien
Nation that makes it particularly useful is the
way its author constructed it. The book is essentially
an extended debate with the proponents of open
borders,'' mainly Julian Simon, Robert Bartley of the
Wall Street Journal, and their followers. One by one,
like Hercules whacking away at the heads of the Hydra,
Mr. Brimelow cuts down the major arguments for
immigration and puts the torch to their roots.
The claims that current
immigration figures are exaggerated, that open
immigration is deeply grounded in American political
traditions, that large-scale immigration is
economically beneficial, and that it is politically
and culturally harmless all fall to his merciless
sword. The polemical structure of the book thus allows
readers wedded to the open-borders dogma, or
unfamiliar with its finer implications and
presuppositions, to follow (and perhaps even approve)
Mr. Brimelow's surgical destruction of it.
His case rests on two propositions: 1) as the
U.S. Census Bureau reported a couple of years ago,
current levels of immigration, coupled with current
levels of fertility among immigrants and indigenous
non-whites and declining fertility among indigenous
whites, will in the next sixty years or so reduce the
historical white, European-descended majority of the
United States to a minority, and 2) this ethnic and
racial revolution portends a social transformation
that will jeopardize not only the cultural identity of
the country but also its very political unity as a
nation-state.
The arguments that develop from these claims
run counter to the conception of America as an idea,''
a proposition,''
or a creed.'' That conception implies that the United
States has almost a bottomless capacity to absorb and
assimilate immigrants, since assimilation'' would
consist in little more than mere assent to the credal
identity of the nation. But Mr. Brimelow performs
meticulous surgery here as well, showing, for example,
that both the Declaration of Independence and The
Federalist assumed ethnic and cultural homogeneity as
a precondition of a coherent nationhood. The point, of
course, is that whatever ideas enter into the
definition of America as a political order, those
ideas depend for their proper functioning on a
population that accepts them as habits balanced and
defined by other habits rather than as newly learned
precepts and abstractions. It is unlikely that massive
numbers of immigrants will doff their old cultural
garments and don new ones comfortably. Hence,
large-scale immigration represents a threat to the
cultural homogeneity, and thus the political unity, of
the nation.
Much the same lesson of preconditions applies
to the free market, which advocates of open borders
invariably invoke as the great solvent of whatever
cultural differences immigrants may import. Mr.
Brimelow argues that the free market necessarily
exists within a societal framework. And it can only
function if the institutions in that framework are
appropriate. . . . Economists have a word for these
preconditions: the 'metamarket.' Some degree of ethnic
and cultural coherence may be among these
preconditions. Thus immigration may be a metamarket
issue.'' He parts company here, at least implicitly,
with those who see the functioning of the market as a
natural, universal process rather than a cultural
artifice and therefore the product of a particular and
unique historical legacy. If the market depends on
both moral and cultural presuppositions, then ethnic
fragmentation will undermine the market itself.
Mr. Brimelow's main case against
immigration, then, is a cultural one rather than the
usual economistic quibbling over how many jobs
Mexicans take from black waiters and so forth. But
despite his attention to culture in principle, he is
surprisingly muted on its specifics. He fails to
discuss in any detail the significant cultural changes
that mass immigration is bringing (there are now whole
cities where English is virtually a second language).
Nor does he delve much into the extent to which non-
Western immigration drives the cult of
multiculturalism in education. Much of the cultural
case against immigration was developed by the Rockford
Institute's magazine Chronicles long before it became
fashionable to do so, but Mr. Brimelow mentions the
magazine and its contributors only briefly. Dare I
suggest that perhaps a native American, or at least a
non-Manhattanite, might display a firmer grasp of
American cultural specifics?
Yet the cultural argument remains
the core of Alien
Nation, and properly so. By driving the debate
over immigration to that level and making the argument
as closely and as seriously as he does, Mr. Brimelow
has ensured that his book is not only the main source
for the strongest case for immigration restriction in
decades but also an important contribution to American
political thought on the very eve of what he fears
could easily be the snuffing out of the American
nation like a candle in a gale.''