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September 23, 2004
The Jobs Crunch: A Progressive Indictment Of
Immigration—And Both Parties
[Peter
Brimelow writes: At VDARE.COM, we often get mail
from
disgusted Democrats, and even lonely liberals,
wanting to know why their party refuses to address
immigration reform too. Randall Burns, one of our ablest
correspondents, writes here as a self-described
“progressive.”]
By
Randall Burns
The chart below was a
centerpiece in the Kerry campaign’s
Our Plan for America. It's stark message: America is facing
stagnant job growth.

Traditionally, progressives have been very concerned
about jobs and the
distribution of wealth. But do Kerry and Edwards
really understand the employment problem—or the
needs of the constituency they purport to represent?
Their chart understates the problem by ignoring two
major factors:
 | The
“natural increase” of the American
workforce was at least 3.75 million. |
 | During this period, at least 2.25 million jobs were filled
by new
immigrants. |
Thus simple math
suggests that, on
Bush’s watch, at least 5 million Americans became
involuntarily unable to participate in the workforce.
This point is supported
by the steadily falling Labor Force Participation Rate.
Even during the 2004 election year “recovery,”
the
August Labor Force
Participation
rate was a stagnant 66%.

This job crunch is not
fully reflected in the unemployment rate that
politicians always talk about—because unemployment
statistics basically cover folks who are drawing
unemployment insurance.
The many omitted groups
include: at least 3 million jobless who never worked
enough to qualify for unemployment insurance;
Disability
retirees, who increased by over 0.5 million from 2000 to
2002— many of them really displaced skilled workers;
anyone in the underground economy, which
doubled to over 10% of the economy from1992-1998
alone; and, tragically, given the
cost of prisons and
prison conditions, America’s incarcerated
population, which has grown annually by over 100,000
from
1998 to
2003.
Moreover, the
quality
of jobs is decreasing dramatically. Four
categories of
non-tradable domestic service employment accounted
for 78% of all new jobs created in August 2004. During
the
Bush Administration, 2.7 million
US manufacturing jobs and 200,000 technical jobs
were lost.
US disposable income
has
declined
for 30 years, but in the last four years it has
plummeted. A two-paycheck family has less disposable
income today than a single paycheck family had 30 years
ago.
Not surprisingly, the
US
poverty
rate has steadily increased under Bush.
Bottom line: America’s
working and
middle classes are being squeezed—with no end in
sight.
But the Kerry-Edwards
team appears either not to understand the desperate
plight of their
main constituency, working and middle-class
Americans, or not to care about them.
Perhaps this is due to
sheer embarrassment over Democratic complicity in much
of the legislation that has caused the problem—GOP
policies that are, in effect, vicious acts of
class warfare designed to minimize the
cost of labor and increase the wealth of the owners
of capital:
 |
Massive legal immigration:
Immigration is associated with important measures of
economic decline--states
with high levels of immigration tend to have poor
long-term bond ratings. |
 |
Professional “Guest Workers.”
In the late 1990s, major corporations successfully
lobbied for
H-1b,
L-1 and
L-4 visa expansions allowing them to fill
professional positions in the US with foreign guest
workers, with minimal controls. These visas allow
on-the-job training in the US and placement of those
members of the offshore teams that need direct customer
contact facilitating offshore outsourcing. H-1b holders
have better than even odds of eventually obtaining a
valuable US
green card. Since the employer pays a token fee for
a guest worker visa, the employer is essentially using
the public resource of immigration rights as a partial
compensation—a practice even pro-business economists
like Milton Friedman admit is a de facto corporate “subsidy”.
|
 |
Outsourcing/Bad Trade Deals.
American trade policy has been pro-“free
trade” without requiring that the trading
partner have equivalent environmental or employee
protections. These blind spots have, for example,
caused the export of almost all American non-ferrous
metals processing jobs to Mexico and Canada. They also
have enabled
Chinese prisoners to displace American textile and
garment workers. By 2003, NAFTA alone was responsible
for the
loss
of nearly 2 million American jobs--mostly manufacturing
jobs that moved to Mexico. |
An
extreme example:
The computer industry. The combination of offshore
outsourcing and corporate-sponsored immigration
practices forced hundreds of thousands of American tech
workers to make career changes in the context of rapidly
shrinking opportunities reminiscent of the
Great Depression.
The overall number of jobs in
IT and related disciplines shrank 17.2% from 2000-2003,
largely due to outsourcing overseas. Job openings, when
they occurred, were often filled with H-1B and L-1 guest
workers.
Congress, driven largely by
campaign
donations, had raised the cap on newly issued H-1b guest worker
visas (active for up to 6 years) to 195,000 per
year--and expanded an even more loosely controlled L-1
guest worker program. Because these temporary visas
are extensively used to facilitate long term residence,
when a US permanent resident was hired to fill a
position, it was often a former guest worker coming back
into his old position.
From 1996-1998, 28% of
new hiring for programmer
jobs
went to H-1b workers. That rose to 50% in 1999 and
according to some expert estimates, 90% in 2001.
As a result, by 2002, there
were over 463,000 H-1b workers employed in US
information technology programming jobs—a job
category with fewer than 3 million workers in total.
(And that figure doesn’t include people who recently
used guest worker programs to obtain green cards and
workers using other guest worker visas.)
Between the
17.2 percent
decline in information technology jobs and the
expansion of guest worker visas, over 1,000,000 American
computer professionals were permanently out of work.
And the use of foreign guest
workers reduced the salary for Americans in these jobs
by over $10,000 per year below what it would otherwise
have been.
What, then, is to be done?
The present situation is inherently unstable. Henry
Ford was right: industrial economies that do not
pay workers enough to afford their products have limited
potential.
Conservatives have
correctly observed that “open borders”
threaten the very existence of social welfare programs.
Progressives need to take this
analysis further. They should look at how current
immigration and trade policy threatens to eliminate the
very existence of broad portions of the American
“mass market” and its democratic institutions.
The Bush administration, with the active collusion of
Alan Greenspan at the Federal Reserve, has been staving
off the evil day with a half TRILLION dollar annual
operating accounts deficit financed by foreign
borrowing. But the low interest rates that have made it
affordable, and the cooperative foreign lenders, are
likely to go away over the next few years.
By using immigration,
trade and fiscal policies to lower labor costs and
concentrate wealth in their hands, America’s parasitic
elites are committing economic and political
suicide—just as the antebellum planters
blindly expanded
slavery even when it had become obvious that slavery
was an extraordinarily bad idea.
The Kerry-Edwards team
have every political incentive to bring these issues
up. Their promises on employment and the economy are
meaningless until immigration, trade and outsourcing are
addressed.
But
Kerry and
Edwards as Senators have acted to exacerbate every
one of these attacks on their constituency. This is
particularly perverse because even
Hispanics largely support reduced immigration.
American progressives
have examined the role of
money
in politics—but they have failed to expose mass
immigration as
corporate welfare.
Kerry-Edwards should be
asking how to:
 | Manage
the U.S. economy without a $500 billion annual
trade deficit and mass immigration. |
 | Reverse America’s decline in disposable income and
expand the access to wealth available to the broad
base of US citizens. |
Countries like Japan
have trade surpluses, no large levels of immigration—and
lack America’s natural resources and rich history of
technical innovation.
A pioneering nation
like the United States can have sound economic policies
that build a sustainable future for its people and open new
frontiers for all humanity, rather than simply
liquidate assets that took generations to build.
It
may well be that
simple enforcement of immigration law and
increased deportations can do little in the context
of mass migrations driven by desperation.
Ralph Nader has proposed major
changes in US foreign and trade policy that would reduce
the tendency of Hispanics to migrate to the United
States. We need to expand the range of policy
options—and contain
neoconservative class warfare.
My
guess: even if Kerry is marginally better than Bush,
there is no reason to expect him to reform the current
mess until a crisis arises—as it
will.
Progressives and thoughtful conservatives must prepare
for that crisis together.
-------------------------------------
Randall Burns [email him]
holds a
degree in Economics from the University of Chicago. He
works in the information technology sector and is a
graduate student at Carnegie Mellon University. Burns
has been active in furthering the introduction of
immigration, trade, and tax realities into the
progressive agenda. In 2004, he helped create the Kucinich campaign’s position paper on
H-1b/L-1 visas. |