November 30, 2004
Indian Bullion: A discussion of “ex-duty premiums”
By
John Brimelow
For centuries, India has been a massive importer of
both gold and silver. For the Hindu majority in
particular, gold jewelry and silver ornaments have
deep appeal rooted in culture and tradition. Local
mine supplies are limited.
India is by far the biggest importer in the world.
One of the largest participants in the business has
estimated the country might import 880 tonnes this year.
This would be a third of global mine production.
A popular estimate is that some 15,000 tonnes of gold
is in private hands in India. That is some 10% of the
total world gold stock. By contrast, Central Banks claim
to have a total of just over 31,000 tonnes, but an
unknown quantity has been lent (“leased”) out. Actual
gold holdings of the Central Banks and the Indian public
may in fact be quite similar.
Indians are constantly buying and selling gold to one
another. Prices for the various grades and sizes
popularly traded are collected by merchant associations
and reported for many cities by the Indian press,
usually on a twice daily basis. These could be thought
of as the “small wholesale” or “large retail” prices. It
is reasonable to assume that the high public interest,
and competitive pressure between the news vendors, keeps
them realistic.
For over 30 years, the import of gold into India was
illegal, which lead to heavy smuggling. Starting in the
mid 1990s more enlightened policies were progressively
adopted such that gold (and silver) can now be imported
freely on payment of a moderate duty.
What is of interest to outsiders is, are prices in
India high enough to pay the costs of importing?
Essentially, this means buying the gold in the world
market by converting rupees into dollars, shipping it,
paying the import duty (currently10.2 Rupees per gram),
the sales tax of the local state (supposed to be
harmonized at 1%, but there are a few deviants) any
other local taxes, and leaving a profit margin.
The two big items are the import duty and the sales
tax. I focus on what I call the “ex-duty premium”
because it is a clear starting point. So, for instance,
in the afternoon of November 30, 2004, in the usually
leading import city of Bombay, 0.999 gold was 670.5
rupees per gram. The exchange rate was $1 =R44.6375.
This meant that Bombay gold was $467.21 per oz. World
gold was $451.85. Import duty came to $7.11 per oz,
leaving $8.25 as the “ex-duty” premium. Out of this
sales tax would have to be paid, say $4.52, leaving
$3.73 for other costs and profit. Gold will be
transported immense distances around the world for
profits of less than $1 per oz, so it is safe to say
that Bombay was a buyer from the world that afternoon.
Modern communications have revolutionized the
relationship between the Indian gold trade and the
world. Using telephone and the internet, Indian
arbitrage dealers/importers trade to the end of the NY
day. There have been estimates that laying off their
business sometimes accounts for as much as a fifth of
Comex volume.
Secondly, and greatly to the irritation of these
Indians, it is possible, with some effort, to identify
quite precisely gold and exchange rates at the key times
of the day and perform these calculations. This would
have been impossible only a very few years ago. So it
possible to settle quantitatively the question of
whether India is or is not an importer at any point.
Indian demand is price sensitive (in rupees). High
premiums have been a fairly good indicator of lows in
the world gold price. Sometimes, world gold rises high
enough that imports are not possible. Very rarely, world
prices get so high that the gap between domestic Indian
and world prices is not enough to cover the import duty,
which creates a negative “ex duty premium”. I have never
seen Indian prices anywhere near being actually below
world prices. Exports sourced in India have therefore
never been practical, although it is said these did
occur in early 1981.