Obama As Community Organizer—Organizing Blacks Against Whites To His Own Benefit



[VDARE.COM note:

Steve
Sailer`s book tentatively entitled
The Half-Blood
Prince: Barack Obama`s "Story of Race and Inheritance"
will be available ANY DAY NOW!]

At the

Republican convention
, VP nominee

Sarah Palin
famously

observed
:

"I
guess a

small-town mayor
is sort of like a `community
organizer,` except that you have actual
responsibilities."

This wisecrack evidently got under the
skin of Senator Barack Obama. In


Obama Suddenly Riled
, [San
Francisco Chronicle,

September 4, 2008
]
 columnist Carolyn
Lochhead reported:

"Sen. Barack Obama
ditched his normal languid cool today, punching back at
Gov. Sarah Palin as he spoke with reporters in

York, Pa,
hotly defending his work as a community
organizer… Obama`s hackles were clearly raised by
Palin`s dismissal of his community organizing …"

The Obama message team then told us
over and over about the unemployed steelworkers Obama
had moved to
Chicago

to help.

Palin`s crack was funny. But it shows
that, as I predicted in

February
, GOP nominee

John McCain
is choosing to fight the election with
one hand tied behind his back. Even his

VP candidate
isn`t allowed to ask
why Obama
wanted to be a
"community organizer"
. Which
"community"
did this

post-racial transcender of ethnic divisions
want to
organize?


Like most questions about Obama`s life, the answers
about his

community organizing
revolve around a single word:

race
.

As
Obama wrote in his 1995 autobiography Dreams from My Father: A Story of Race and Inheritance:

"In 1983, I decided to
become a community organizer. … That`s what I`ll do,

I`ll organize black folks
."

The Obama campaign`s recurrent
“steelworker”
shtick is supposed to make you think Obama moved to w:st="on">Chicago to help guys named

Kowalski
. But the last thing Obama wanted to do in
1985 was help anybody with a Central European name.


Chicago

in 1985 was site of the abrasive
"Council
Wars
"
between the leader of the white majority
among

Chicago`s aldermen
, the Croatian-American

Fast Eddie Vrdolyak
, and Obama`s idol, the black
mayor

Harold Washington
. This was the most blatant white
vs. black conflict in the country at the time—which
helped make Chicago attractive
to the young
mixed-race man from

ethnically laid-back Hawaii
. Obama had long been
looking for a more racially hostile environment where he
could finally prove he was
“black enough”
.

Ultimately, he didn`t help any
steelworkers, black or white. The

Southtown Star
reported on August 24:

"And none of the laid-off
steelworkers Obama talks about in stump speeches, the
people he was brought to
Chicago

to help, could be found for this article, despite
repeated requests to the campaign."

So what
is an
Obama-style "community organizer?"

You`re not some local

Scoutmaster
or the lady who organizes the annual

block party
or some other local citizen.

It means a radical racial activist
who, in

Tom Wolfe
`s immortal phrase,
"mau-maus
the flak catchers
"
—intimidates bureaucrats into
giving

your ethnicity a bigger slice of the pie
. It means,
more than anything else, that you organize

political protests
for more handouts from the
taxpayers (even though

dependence upon those handouts
is one reason the
community is so disorganized.)


It`s kind of like being the neighborhood fence who
encourages the local heroin addicts to steal hubcaps so
they can shoot more smack.

The
famous black University of Chicago sociologist



William Julius Wilson
published a book on four South
Side of Chicago districts, There Goes the Neighborhood, which I

reviewed
here in February. A key finding of his
study: poor, disorganized neighborhoods had no shortage
of Obama-like

paid organizers
. For example, in the Little Village
neighborhood, which is

mostly Mexican illegal immigrants
:

“There
was a vast array of paid service providers in the
neighborhood. … There was a school for

at-risk youth
, and clubs … for youth not
particularly at risk.”


Wilson goes on to list some of the other
taxpayer-supported programs: programs for

pregnant women
, for

parents
, for

AIDS patients
, for people who

don`t yet have AIDS,
for

sick people
, for

the mentally ill
, for

gang-prevention
, for seniors, for

high school graduates
, for

high school dropouts
, and for people who never went
to high school and want to

learn English so they can vote
.

In contrast, Wilson found,

Chicago neighborhoods
that don`t need all this
taxpayer and foundation-funded help because they
self-organize—with picnics, parades, church

festivals
, and rapid

graffiti
clean-up—largely do so in order to keep
property values up…and outsiders of other races out.

But that`s not the kind of community
organizing Obama likes. Indeed, according to a John
Judis article in
The New Republic
[Creation
Myth
,
September 10, 2008], Obama spoke out in
1988 against the Save Our Neighborhoods group, which had
engaged in

Alinskyite community organizing
to keep

unscrupulous realtors
from
"block
busting
"
their communities in order to cause
rapid turnover, which leads to slumification.

And yet,
like his mentor Rev. Dr. Jeremiah A. Wright, Jr., Obama
isn`t crazy about blacks

moving out of
the ghetto, denigrating
 
that "old
individualistic bootstrap myth: get a job, get rich, and
get out."
[




What Makes Obama Run?
,
By Hank De Zutter,
Chicago

Reader
, year="1995" w:st="on">December 8, 1995
]

The
economic subtext: the jobs of both Wright as a South
Side black preacher, and Obama as a South Side black
community organizer and politician, were imperiled by
the right of blacks who can afford it to move out of the
black slums and find a less dangerous place to raise
their children.

It`s less enjoyable being a
"community
leader"
if your putative followers keep moving to
Schaumburg
. So Wright and Obama implore
their followers to stay put—even at the risk that their
children will join gangs and go to prison or the grave.

Perhaps some of the

anti-white paranoia
that runs through

Wright
`s and, especially,

Michelle Obama`s
statements is

partly explained
by these hyper-glib leaders` guilty
consciences over self-interestedly persuading

black parents
to continue to expose their children
to the dangers of gang-infested neighborhoods.

For example, on

60 Minutes
, Michelle asserted:
"… as a black
man, you know, Barack can get shot going to the gas
station …"—
as if KKK snipers were cruising past
the South Kenwood Amoco. ( w:st="on">South Kenwood, where the Obama`s mansion is, is only 1/3rd
black, but North Kenwood`s
a dicey neighborhood).

Obviously, the main danger faced by
black men is

being shot by other black men
. But that`s too
unspeakable to mention. So free rein is given to
paranoid fantasies about

The Man being behind black-on-black violence
, as in w:st="on">Trinity Church`s
"Black
Value System
."


Embarrassing fact: Obama didn`t actually live in any of
the communities he putatively organized. Instead, he has
spent 23 years living in the sliver of the South Side
that`s so well organized by a rich institution that it
has its own
private police force
. Obama has lived in
Hyde Park
and South
Kenwood
, within the privileged residential
bubble between
39th
St. and 64th St.
that is

patrolled
by the large, well-funded and

hard-nosed

University
of
Chicago Police Dept.

A
friend wrote:

"You are missing an
angle. Obama lives in South Kenwood. That
is policed by the
University

of Chicago

police. There is a fierce and drastic difference between
neighborhoods within and outside the
University of w:st="on">Chicago Police boundary. When I was a
student there, it was apparent … they were only dimly
aware of things like


Miranda

or the

presumption of innocence
(for anyone, that is, other
than students, faculty, black women, and black men

dressed like Barack Obama
—geez, I wonder who that
leaves?). The w:st="on">University of Chicago
wouldn`t last a semester without them."

Ironically, Obama was a civil rights
lawyer and taught
constitutional law
at the University of Chicago Law
School…


Funny thing about professional community organizers: the
more disorganized the community, the more professional
community organizers you`ll find.

As Wolfe wrote in

1970:

"Brothers from down the
hall like Dudley got
down to the heart of the poverty program very rapidly.
It took them no time at all to see that the poverty
program`s big projects, like manpower training, in which
you would get some job counseling and some training so
you would be able to apply for a job in the bank or on
the assembly line—everybody with a brain in his head
knew that this was the usual

bureaucratic shuck
. Eventually the government`s own
statistics bore out the truth of this conclusion. The
ghetto youth who completed the manpower training didn`t
get
any more jobs or earn any more money
than the people
who never took any such training at all. Everybody but
the most hopeless lames knew that the only job you
wanted out of the poverty program was a job in
the program itself. Get on the payroll, that was the
idea. Never mind getting some job counseling.
You
be the job counselor. You be the `neighborhood
organizer.`"

Similarly, when Obama

discovered
that the closest Mayor`s Office of
Employment and Training to the all-black housing project
where he was focusing
"was on a back
street in Vrdolyak`s ward"
, he exclaimed, according
to Dreams From My
Father
:

"We just found ourselves an issue".


The w:st="on">New Republic`s

Judis writes: "He got community members to demand a job center that would provide job
referrals, but there were few jobs to distribute"
.

As
Wolfe wrote, back in the Wild West days of the

Great Society,
no matter how pointless the result of
the protest, mau-mauing was fun for the participants
because the

flak catchers were white
:

"When black people first
started using the confrontation tactic, they made a
secret discovery. There was an extra dividend to this
tactic. There was a creamy dessert. It wasn`t just that
you registered your protest and showed the white man
that you meant business and weakened his resolve to keep
up the walls of oppression. It wasn`t just that you got
poverty money and influence. There was something sweet
that happened right there on the spot. You made the
white man quake. You brought fear into his face."

By the time, Obama had arrived in
Chicago
, however, the poverty
bureaucrats were almost all minorities.


Still, community organizing had its upside: namely,
Obama made a name for himself and networked with what
has become his political base—the social services
industry.


But, isn`t Obama above all petty financial
considerations? After all, didn`t Obama give up a
lucrative Wall Street job to make $10,000 per year as a
community organizer, like he says in all those speeches?

Actually, Obama`s

New York job
was considerably less glamorous than he
makes it sound in
Dreams
. He was a

copy editor
at a newsletter house.

And that low-ball salary he took in
Chicago

was just for the probationary period. His

boss said
,
"After three or four months, he was up to $20,000, and
after three years he was probably making

$35,000
or so."

Some perspective on Obama`s $35,000
community organizer salary: I also moved to w:st="on">Chicago for a job, about
two and half years before Obama did. At my marketing
research firm in late 1982, at the bottom of the
recession, the going rate for new MBAs with quantitative
skills from good B-schools was $29,000. It wasn`t great,
but, for a bachelor, it was a living.

Even in w:st="on">Chicago politics, there`s
a tradeoff between money and power. The

Combine
, the bipartisan, multiracial crew of

Chicago and Illinois insiders I wrote about last week
,
 is looking for
people who aren`t excessively greedy to be the public
face of the system. Indeed, according to

Mike Royko
`s biography, Richard Daley the First
became so powerful because he

wasn`t
particularly greedy.

And
that`s what Obama wanted: power.

Obama was trained (and trained others)
in the

Rules for Radicals
created by the famous agitator
Saul Alinsky
. Yet, as

Judis
reports, Obama eventually became frustrated by
community organizing in general, and three of Alinsky`s
rules in particular: don`t trust 1)

charismatic individuals
, 2)
politicians
, or 3)

lofty rhetoric
.

So,
Obama quit community organizing, and became a
charismatic politician admired for his lofty rhetoric.


Hmmmm


[Steve Sailer (
email
him) is founder of the Human Biodiversity Institute and

movie critic

for

The American Conservative
.
His website


www.iSteve.blogspot.com

features his daily blog.]