Jared Taylor`s White Identity: What`s In It For Jews?


[See also

Jared Taylor On White
Identity: Racial Consciousness in the 21st Century
]

In 1991,
Jared Taylor
published Paved with Good Intentions: The Failure of Race Relations in Contemporary America, a
sober
book
that sold well by the standards of serious
nonfiction. Since then, he has built

American Renaissance

into a successful magazine and a brand name. You might think
that commercial publishers would be interested in his
important, just-published, follow-up


White Identity: Racial Consciousness in the 21st Century
.
 You would be naïve.

In the
Acknowledgments to his sequel, Taylor writes:

“Finally, I would
like to thank Theron Raines and Paul Zack, literary agents
who tried very hard to find a publisher for this book but
failed. Mr. Raines gave up after two years, and Mr. Zack
after a year and a half. I have lost count of the number of
rejection letters they gathered from well-re­garded
publishing houses, but can only conclude from their lack of
success that this book is unfit for commercial publication
in the United States.”

Taylor
can take this consolation: the same happened to

Alexander Solzhenitsyn
, whose

last book couldn`t find a New York City publisher either
.

The
picture on the cover of
White Identity is that classic of German Romanticism, Caspar David
Friedrich`s 1818 painting


Wanderer above the Sea of Fog
, in which a slender
hiker looks down pensively upon a clouded landscape in a
mood of

Kantian introspection.

And
Taylor is certainly adept at shining a spotlight through
today`s pervasive mental fog. As he explains in his lucid
prose:

“This book is about
racial identity, something most people who are not white
take for granted. They come to it early, feel it strongly,
and make no apologies for it.”

Taylor, who lived in
Japan
until he was 16, has the perspective afforded by deep
immersion into a sophisticated non-Western culture,
something rare among American intellectuals. In
White Identity, Taylor notes,

“…
Japan is homogeneous. This means Japanese

never even think about a host of problems that torment
Americans
. Since Japan has only one race, no one worries
about racism. … When a company needs to hire someone, it
doesn`t give a thought to `ethnic balance,` it just hires
the best person.”

(
VDARE.com
note:
links added
to quotes throughout
).

Of course, to well-indoctrinated
Politically Correct white Americans,

Japan`s lack of racial problems
must seem like a bug,
not a feature. How do they
demonstrate their moral superiority
over each other
without
minorities to use as props?

Taylor
goes on:

“Most
whites

do not have a racial identity,
but they would do well to
understand what
race means for others.
They should also ponder the
consequences of being the only group for whom such an
identity is forbidden and who are permitted no aspirations
as a group.”

Taylor summarizes the current PC orthodoxy
on
how white people should think about race
as follows:

“Race
is an insignificant matter and not a valid criterion for any
purpose—except perhaps for

re­dressing wrongs done to non-whites
. The races are
equal in every respect and are therefore interchangeable.”

The grip of this PC orthodoxy is
remarkable. Before 1992, I had assumed, from having
watched
a lot of sports on TV
and having noticed how people in

Chicago,
Houston, and

Los Angeles
actually

live their lives,
that nobody consciously believed
it—that they were just being hypocritical. But, after
discovering Internet discussion groups way back in 1992, I
can attest to the remarkable number of people who believe
these talking points strongly enough to type them into a
computer … anonymously.

The true
White Man`s Burden turns out to be his intellectual distaste
for reality, his need to believe in universal principles,
even (or especially) when they are conspicuously
counterfactual. The more disastrous your ideals, the more
pure your heart must be and the more evil your doubters.

As Taylor has seen, it`s hard for an
East
Asian
to be similarly

deluded
. In China In World History,
Historian S.A.M. Adshead explained that the Chinese were
long ahead of the West because the

practical Chinese
concentrated upon technology and magic
while the idealistic Europeans

believed
in theology and science. Over the last half
millennium, the Western obsession with general principles
has proven more useful than the Chinese taste for
miscellaneous knowledge.

But you can have too much of a good thing.
Our latest political theology is now at war with

science and sense
. The next half millennium is likely to
go worse for whites relative to the Chinese unless we
modernize our mindsets on race.

Taylor
continues summarizing the current orthodoxy:

“It
thus makes no difference if a neigh­borhood or nation
becomes non-white or if white children marry outside their
race. Whites have no valid group interests, so
it is
illegitimate for them to attempt to organize as whites
.
Given the past crimes of whites, any

ex­pression of racial pride is wrong.
The displacement
of whites by non-whites through immigration will strengthen
the United States.”

As you can see, today`s PC party line is a
farrago of empirical and normative assertions, with moral
panic governing what

your lying eyes
are allowed to notice:

“These are matters
on which there is little ground for disagreement; anyone who
holds differ­ing views is not merely mistaken but morally
suspect.”

The
reigning upper middle class white view is that everyone
should always act on the basis of
Kant`s categorical
imperative
: “Act
only according to that maxim whereby you can, at the same
time, will that it should become a universal law.”

But what if others don`t obey this
categorical imperative? Well, you should move somewhere
“more appropriate” (i.e., more expensive). If you can`t afford to
get away from large numbers of

non-Asian Minorities
, well, then, you`re obviously a
loser.

For Jared Taylor, a man of distinguished
bearing, is unusual among American intellectuals in his
empathy for people at the bottom. Protesting a 2005 Supreme
Court

decision
mandating racial integration in prison cellmate
assignments even when prison officials expect diversity

might cause murder
or
rape,
Taylor asked:

“Some
would say that racial violence in prisons says nothing about
di­versity as a national goal because the prejudices of the
dregs of society have no relevance for the rest of us. We
should not be so hasty to condemn peo­ple who face
challenges we can hardly imagine. Prisoners must suffer
the
company of strangers in acutely invasive ways
… Federal
judges should search their souls before putting men`s lives
at risk in the name of principles they, themselves, probably
do not practice in their own lives.”
[American
Renaissance
, April 2009]

Taylor`s
explanation for the existence of some degree of racial
identity is particularly straightforward:

Racial
identity comes naturally to all non-white groups. It comes
natu­rally because it is good, normal, and healthy to feel
kinship for people like oneself. … All people of the same
race are more closely re­lated genetically than they are to
anyone of a different race, and this helps explain racial
solidarity.”

Now, that`s a little broad. There are odd
cases that crop up where self-identification is at war with
genetics. For example, the President of the United States
recently declared on his Census form that, in effect, he did
not share any racial ties with his
own
half-sister Maya
. Of course, as

Obama`s late mother
once lamented, Obama had long ago
made a
professional choice
to identify himself as only
black. The payoff to being considered nonwhite in modern
America is too good to pass up, even you have to

insult many of your blood relatives
in the process

Taylor
continues:

“Families are close
for the same reason. Parents love their children, not
because they are the smartest, best-looking, most talented
children on earth. They love them because they are
genetically close to them. They love them because they are a
family. … Most people have similar feelings about race. . …
Non-whites understand this. Blacks call each other `brother`
and `sis­ter.` … Whites used to understand this. In fact, at
some level they still do—their actions betray them.”

“These mystic
preferences need not imply hostility towards others.
Par­ents may have great affection for the children of
others, but their own chil­dren come first. “


An excellent point, similar to John Quincy Adams` 1821
evocation of America`s now long-lost attitude toward foreign
policy:
She is the

well-wisher to the freedom and independence of all
.


She is the

champion and vindicator only of her own
.”

Taylor
argues:

“Their race is the
largest extended family to which they feel an instinctive
kinship.”

This deserves a little more unpacking than
Taylor gives it. It`s perfectly natural to feel an
instinctive kinship with any and all humans under certain
circumstances. Ronald Reagan

used to worry
his less imaginative National Security
Advisor, Colin Powell, by musing about how the Cold War
would be over instantly if Earth were ever attacked by space
aliens. Human kinship would

far outweigh ideology
if we ever needed to fight
bug-eyed space monsters. Most people would feel a surge of
kinship toward any human on a life raft menaced by sharks.

However,
the flip side of this undermines Taylor`s political project:
namely, that for many whites, group identities smaller than
the Big Four races that Taylor focuses upon (white, black,
Hispanic, and Asian) are more attractive outlets for
identity politics.

For
instance, Taylor notes:

“Columnist
Maggie
Gallagher
has written that she thinks of herself as an
American, a Catholic, and sometimes an Irish-American but

adds
:

`I hate the idea of
being white. . . . I never think of myself as belonging to
the `white race.` … I can think of few things more degrading
than being proud to be white.`

Whereas a
St. Patrick`s Day
parade is exalting?

But the point is that, yes,
Irish
ethnocentrism
is
vastly more acceptable in the modern Main Stream Media
climate than white ethnocentrism. Senator Ted Kennedy`s
absurd but still ongoing diversity visa lottery was referred
to by Congressmen as
The
Irish Program
because Kennedy had been so frank
that his main intention was to import Irishmen to vote for
future Kennedys.

Of course, many whites don`t have a
socially acceptable subracial identity like Irish. The huge
numbers of German-Americans are discouraged from engaging in
identity politics.

Italian-Americans
are allowed to take pride in Italian
culture (cuisine, opera, Mafia movies, tanning, steroids)
but they tend to be too family-oriented to politically
organize on a mass scale like the Irish. Founding-stock
Americans, and the large number of people of
mixed-nationality Catholic backgrounds in northern
metropolises who vote and act like them, can`t really claim
a single acceptable ethnicity. Interestingly, events like
NASCAR racing seem
to
serve as a covert ethnic pride rally
—what
Kevin
MacDonald
has

called
an
“implicit white community”
—for people who aren`t allowed
to hold ethnic pride rallies.

On the
other hand, lots of whites, especially the most influential
and wealthy, do have politically useful ethnicities.

In his
pointillist style, Taylor offers a vast array of data, both
quantitative and anecdotal, to support his contention that
race plays a large and inevitable role in daily life.
Chapters are devoted to racial consciousness among blacks,
Hispanics, and Asians.

Since
many of his examples are drawn from my native Los Angeles, I
am able to confirm their validity. For example, Taylor
writes:

“In
March 2005, there was a riot involving 200 to 400 Armenian
and Hispanic students at Grant High School in Los Angeles. …
The school`s dean, Daniel Gruenberg, explained that there
had been similar eth­nic battles at least once a year for
more than a decade
.”

Grant H.S. is in a fairly nice part of the
San Fernando Valley, just north of tony Sherman Oaks, home
to numerous character actors and screenwriters. You`ve seen
dozens of

TV shows
filmed on Grant`s campus. I`ve shot hoops at
the high school`s gym on and off since the 1970s.

Is Taylor overstating how long this
history of mass violence between

Armenians
and Mexicans has gone on at Grant?

No—he`s
understating it. A
2000 article in the
L.A. Times
reported:

“John Salapa`s
ninth-graders have been at Grant High for only two months,
but they have already learned a few things. … And they know
what October means: fights between Armenian Americans and
Latinos …`It`s a tradition,` one said. `That`s why they call
it the October riots. They probably schedule it.`”
[Program
Seeks to Reduce Latino-Armenian Tensions at School,

By Hilary E. MacGregor, October 22, 2000]

Why? The LA Times`
MacGregor continued:

“For as long as most
people there can remember, tensions between Armenians and
Latinos at Grant have flared in late October. The
3,300-member student body, representing 32 cultures, is one
of the most diverse in the San Fernando Valley. … One
district official speculated that tension between the Latino
and Armenian students may have originated from disputes over
relief efforts in the mid-1980s after earthquakes in Mexico
and Armenia. At the time, students from each ethnic group
claimed that the other received more empathy and relief …”

But that
mid-1980s dispute had to have been an effect rather than a
cause of racial hatred between Armenians and Mexicans,
because I can recall the two groups already rioting at Grant
in the mid-1970s, when I was attending Notre Dame H.S. two
miles away.

This
obscure history validates Taylor`s view of human nature. He
points out that in the optimistic 1950s,


“Discussions about how blacks and whites were to be brought
together came to be known as `contact theory` … Schools were
the best setting for contact. White children, whose
prejudices had not yet hardened, would mix with black
children under

conditions of equality
and strict institutional
supervision.”

Well,
Grant H.S. offers an interesting test of contact theory,
since it doesn`t involve blacks and whites, but Armenians
and Mexicans. It`s hard to blame friction between Armenians
and Mexicans on slavery or Jim Crow or outmoded stereotypes
or white racism. Indeed, they are a lot less distinctive in
looks than are blacks and whites. But they fight anyway.

The 2010

Census results
show that a number of tracts north of
Grant H.S. are getting whiter. The Armenians, and other

ex-Soviet immigrants
who follow their lead, are winning,
pushing out Latinos.

A few
years ago, I was walking around the Valley Glen neighborhood
near Grant, amazed by the extraordinarily expensive 8-foot
security fences topped with

lethal finials
that homeowners were erecting along the
sidewalks. “How can
Mexicans afford these crazy fences?”
I wondered to
myself. It was only on a second visit that I realized the
people turning their yards into fortified bunkers were

Armenians.

As far as I can tell, the maximum
front-yard fence allowed in Los Angeles is

3`6″ tall
, so these maximum security prison fences are
illegal. But government officials don`t like to mess with
Armenians because they exhibit so much racial solidarity.

This bit of history raises several
questions relevant to
White Identity
.

For
example: are Armenians
white?

As a middle-aged Californian, I`d say,
“Of course.”
Traditionally in California, Armenians were automatically
assumed to be white. When

Republican George Deukmejian beat Democrat Tom Bradley

in the 1982 and 1986 gubernatorial elections, the story was
always summed up as: White Guy Beats Black Guy.

Lately, however, I`ve noticed Armenians
referring to non-Armenians as
“whites.”

Taylor
leaves strategically vague the issue of who exactly would be
in the white tent. If Armenians are in, what about Turks,
Persians, Arabs, and Indians? What about Latin Americans who
are primarily European in ancestry?


Personally, I want the biggest political tent possible for
people like myself who don`t get special legal or cultural
privileges based on their race. I`d certainly rather have
Armenians on my side than on the other side.

Yet there are advantages to a small tent,
too. Many Armenians like having an Armenia-sized tent. The
main goal of

Armenian-American
political activism is to persuade the
U.S. government to stick it to their hereditary enemies back
in Asia. Thus, they really wouldn`t want to get lumped in
with, say, their neighbors from the Old Country, the Turks
and Azeris, even though they look much alike.

But, the more relevant question in 2011
is: why would
Armenians want to be white?
What`s in it for them to
identify primarily as white rather than as Armenian?

It`s a lot more socially acceptable to
identify as Armenian. The

Armenian Caucus
in Congress, for example, has 158
members, including

Nancy Pelosi
, Jesse Jackson Jr., Barney Frank, and
Luis
Gutierrez
. In contrast, how many members of the House
are in the

White Caucus
?

Hint: there
is no White
Caucus. As Taylor points out,

“No politician would
dare examine legislation by asking what was in it for
whites. No city in America has … a white caucus on the city
council. Across the political spectrum, Ameri­cans assert
that any form of white racial consciousness or solidarity is
de­spicable. … They have dismantled and condemned their own
racial identity in the expectation that others will do the
same.”

Imagine
if the three decades of fighting at Grant H.S. if the
Armenian rioters had been fighting in the name of the white
race instead of the Armenian race.

Remember the
Jena
Six
brouhaha in an obscure town in Louisiana where six
black football players beat

a white kid
unconscious? Remember how the media

went nuts over white
racism?

Well, Grant H.S. isn`t on the road from
Natchez to Natchitoches, like Jena, it`s in the heart of the

entertainment industry.
There`s a film crew there every
month.

If white
kids at Grant had been attacking Mexicans for three decades,
and if their white parents were putting up vicious fences to
impale Mexicans and send the message that Mexicans aren`t
wanted in the neighborhood, it would be a national scandal.

The
New York Times
would editorialize about how this was all
the fault of Arizona`s SB1070. Oprah would fly in to help
the healing begin.

Paul Krugman
,

Frank Rich
, and

Hendrik Hertzberg
would each suffer aneurysms while
competing to see who can most furiously castigate hate.
President Obama would give a

thoughtful, nuanced speech
about this national trauma.

Jesse Jackson and Al Sharpton
would get into a shoving
match trying to elbow themselves to the front of the protest
march. The

Southern Poverty Law Center
would feature Grant H.S. in
its

next dozen fund-raising letters.

But two generations of whites at Grant
haven`t been

rioting in the name of whiteness,
they`ve been rioting
in the name of Armenianness. So it`s more or less okay. It`s
not considered good, but it`s not something the MSM much
worries about. It doesn`t fit The Narrative.

The Narrative? As Pulitzer Prize-winner
Stephen Hunter

explained
in a recent novel:

“The narrative is
the set of assumptions the press believes in, possibly
without even knowing that it believes in them. It`s so
powerful because it`s unconscious. It`s not like they get
together every morning and decide `These are the lies we
tell today.` No, that would be too crude and honest. Rather,
it`s a set of casual, nonrigorous assumptions about a
reality they`ve never really experienced that`s arranged in
such a way as to reinforce their best and most ideal
presumptions about themselves and their importance to the
system and the way they have chosen to live their lives.”
[I, Sniper: A Bob Lee Swagger Novel,
2009Page
183
]

Main
Stream Media attempts to fit Armenians into The Narrative go
something like this:


They`re
an immigrant group, they`re from the Middle East, and they
are socially troubled (as demonstrated by their elevated
crime rate). That`s good!



But—they`re white, Christian, do well in school, make lots
of money, don`t cause many other local problems besides

shooting each other
, their immigrants` international
organized crime ties are not something we want to dwell on,
they`re often Republicans, and it`s hard to remember whether
Armenians` foreign policy obsessions match up with Israel`s
latest needs (which side is

Turkey
on these days?), which could get us in big
trouble. That`s bad…


So,
Armenians are complicated. They don`t fit well into The
Narrative. Therefore,


let`s
not think about Armenians!


We`re
good at not thinking about stuff! That`s our strong suit!

What are the prospects for

white identity politics
emerging as a self-conscious,
public force in America?

I`d
guess: not good.

This is not to say that white identity
politics won`t

continue to manifest itself
de facto.
We
saw that, for example,
with
the Tea Parties
and the emergence of an overwhelmingly
white movement to protect Medicare in 2009.

But, white people aren`t supposed to say:
we`re doing this “to
promote the general welfare”
of
ourselves
and our posterity
(to quote the

Constitution`s Preamble
).
Whites aren`t supposed to say that—and they don`t
like to, either. They like to come up with some principled
reason, such as: the philosophy of
Ayn
Rand
says so.

Thus, the GOP`s bright young man, Paul
Ryan,

managing to totally miss the point
, announced a plan
privatizing Medicare. (Older heads in the House GOP are
slowly walking that one back.)

Nevertheless, an explicit white identity
movement is unlikely to be tolerated. It`s not so much that
blacks, Asians, and Hispanics don`t want this to happen.
None of these groups are really all that powerful. Blacks
tend to be colorful but not too competent; East Asians

competent
but

colorless
; Latinos culturally lethargic and
unenterprising.

No, the
much more serious roadblock to the emergence of white
identity politics:
more Jews don`t want it to happen than do want it to happen
.

Many Jews have strong reasons for their
aversion to white identity politics, either irrational (the

Cossacks
are coming!) or rational (what`s in it for
me?).

Perhaps Taylor can persuade enough Jews to
get onboard to make white identity respectable in the MSM
and thus with the media`s consumers, the public. He`s
striven manfully and graciously over the years to make Jews
feel welcome in his movement and many Jews have

written for American
Renaissance
.

Recall that

neoconservatism
emerged in the late 1960s, largely due
to Jewish shopkeepers`

fear of black crime
and

Jewish civil servants
` fear of being fired by black
politicians. Brilliant Jewish intellectuals like

Nathan Glazer
and

Norman Podhoretz
took their relatives` complaints
seriously.

Still,
over time, Jews mostly figured out it was simply easier to
move away from blacks and get better jobs where they didn`t
have to deal with many blacks. Let other whites deal with
them.

Thus
Commentary


lost interest
in complaining about quotas, and
neoconservatism morphed into mostly being an Israel Fan
Club.

The
fundamental question for 21st Century white identity
politics is the same as for Armenians, just two or three
orders of magnitude greater in media influence: What`s in it
for Jews?

Taylor
has worked out strong justifications for why a white
identity movement would be good for average, and
particularly good for below-average, whites. But not many
Jews are below the white average.

Jews are
generally praised in the press for engaging in Jewish
identity politics. So why would they instead want to engage
in disreputable white identity politics? What`s in it for
them?

My alternative philosophy of
“citizenism” proposed attacking identity politics at its most
vulnerable points: Affirmative Action quota preferences for
Hispanics and Asians.  (See
the debate

between me and Jared Taylor on VDARE.com
.)

Nobody
can come up with a good justification for these privileges
for immigrant groups. They just

free-ride
off the

anti-white glamour
of the

1960s black civil rights movement.

Indeed, there`s no good reason for the


“Hispanic” category even to
exist in government data
. It`s not a race,
it`s not an ethnicity, it`s not a linguistic group, it`s
just a rent-seeking special privilege. Abolish the category!
Once the data isn`t collected anymore, nobody can use
government it in lawsuits alleging


“disparate impact”.

I did
propose conceding permanent quotas for the descendants of
American slaves. That`s a high cost, but one we`re likely to
pay anyway.

Is my
philosophy extolling solidarity among American citizens
rather than among whites likely to prove more acceptable to
the media gatekeepers that Taylor`s white advocacy?

Sure—in the sense that a two percent
probability is twice a one percent probability. You`ll note
that, after all these years, I`m still using quotes around
“citizenism”
because nobody knows what the word is. It hasn`t exactly
swept the intellectual world.

This is a pretty depressing way to wrap
up. But I do think it`s safe to say that the conventional
wisdom will change when it
has to change. It
probably won`t change until it has to, but it will have to
when it has to.

In other words, what historian

Hugh Davis Graham
called attention to in the title of
his 2002 book, Collision Course: The Strange Convergence of Affirmative Action and Immigration Policy in America,
can`t go
on forever. The mounting
racial
ratio
of nonwhite beneficiaries to white
benefactors means the system will inevitably break down
under the weight of numbers. At that point, white
consciousness could be forced into existence.

In the
meantime, we can all be thankful that Jared Taylor has been
thinking ahead.

 

[Steve Sailer (email
him) is


movie critic
for


The American Conservative
.

His website

www.iSteve.blogspot.com

features his daily blog. His new book,

AMERICA`S HALF-BLOOD PRINCE: BARACK OBAMA`S
"STORY OF RACE AND INHERITANCE", is
available


here
.]