Governor Deval Patrick: “Together We Can”…Have Racial Preferences


Those who

wonder what to expect
from a

Barack Obama
White House should start paying
attention to Massachusetts

Governor Deval Patrick
, currently the nation`s only
elected black governor.


Governor Patrick
and Senator Barack Obama have long
been close friends and political allies. In fact, Obama
was recently accused of

plagiarism
for

excessively "borrowing"
from a

speech Deval Patrick delivered
during the 2006
Massachusetts gubernatorial campaign. Obama even modeled
his campaign motto "Yes, We Can" on the Patrick
campaign`s motto "Together We Can" although
Patrick did not have a

Spanish language version
, as Obama does ("Si,
se puede
"
).

Deval
Patrick was born and raised in

Chicago`s South Side
, near where Barack Obama now
lives. In the eighth grade, he won a

minority scholarship
to prestigious Milton Academy
in Massachusetts, and from there went on to

Harvard University
and
Harvard Law School.

After law
school, Patrick worked for the

NAACP
where he befriended then Governor Bill Clinton
when the NAACP sued the state of Arkansas over an
alleged

voting rights
violation. He then joined, and
eventually became a partner, in the respected Boston law
firm of Hill & Barlow (famous for having represented

Sacco & Vanzetti
). In 1993, after

Lani Guinier`s
nomination for Assistant Attorney
General for Civil Rights

collapsed
, President Clinton offered the position to
Deval Patrick.


"You have
had the best that American education can give you,"

said Senator Diane Feinstein to Deval Patrick during his
confirmation hearings. "You are articulate. You are
handsome. You are young. You have the opportunity to
provide a unique level of leadership."

What was
most strikingly unique about Assistant Attorney General
Deval Patrick`s leadership was the degree to which he
used the power of his office to intimidate American
citizens into conforming with his vision of civil
rights. Patrick knew well that most cities,

towns
and small businesses cannot

afford to defend themselves
against a

Justice Department lawsuit.
All it often took was
for Patrick to initiate a Justice Department "probe"
of some civil organization, and then he could bend it to
his vision of justice.

During his
confirmation hearings, of course,

Deval Patrick claimed that he did not believe in racial
quotas.
But once confirmed, Patrick arrogantly began
to impose racial preferences in the guise of law
enforcement. He was especially opposed to cognitive
examinations for

prospective police officers
and

firemen
alleging that they result in an

unjustly high failure rate
for

black applicants
. Patrick then tried to force
municipalities to adopt a Justice Department-approved
employment exam that amounted to a non-cognitive
personality test (much of it administered by video). The
exam was specifically designed to assure a high score
among minority test takers. In fact, the vice president
of the company that produced the test (Aon
Consulting, Inc
) described it as "more than
satisfactory if you assume a cop will never have to
write a coherent sentence or interpret what someone else
has written."
[Testimony
Of Linda S. Gottfredson
, MAY 20, 1997]

The exam
questions remain secret, except for
two sample questions:

When you
were in high school, you were a member of a sports team.

A. Yes

B. No

Which of the
following statements is most like you – A or B?

A. I`m
always in a hurry at work to get things done.

B. At work,
I think of myself as part of a smooth running machine.

Some local
governments capitulated and adopted some form of the
exam. But a few fought back. The
Justice Department`s Civil Rights Division
had to
reimburse the city of Torrance, CA

$1.8 million in legal fees after suing them
for
alleged discriminatory hiring and losing.

Most
troubling of all, however, was Deval Patrick`s

involvement
with
Piscataway v. Taxman.

In 1989, the Piscataway, New Jersey Board of Education
decided to lay off faculty due to declining enrollment.
Their standard practice had been to lay off teachers
with the least seniority, and if there were two teachers
of equal seniority, to cast lots. However, in this case,
there was a choice between a white teacher and a black
teacher who had both been hired on the same day and
worked in the same department. Rather than toss a coin,

administrators fired the white teacher,
Sharon
Taxman, and retained the black teacher for the sake of

"faculty diversity."
Moreover, they sought to
preserve not just the diversity of the overall school
faculty, but of the individual department itself
(business education). Ms. Taxman then sued and the
Justice Department under President George H.W. Bush
supported her claim. The courts
eventually ruled in Taxman`s favor
and ordered that
she be rehired and paid $144,000 in back pay.

However, the
Piscataway Board of Education appealed and when the

Clinton Justice Department
inherited the case in
1994, Assistant Attorney General Deval Patrick ordered
the Justice Department to reverse itself and take the
side of the Piscataway Board of Education against
Sharon Taxman. The Third Circuit Court of Appeals,
however, was not impressed with this reversal and they
terminated the Justice Department`s role as a
co-plaintiff in the case.

So fanatical
was Deval Patrick in his desire to take Sharon Taxman`s
job that he forced the Justice Department to back a case
that was a sure loser. In fact, the NAACP later had to
persuade the Piscataway Board of Education to drop a
proposed appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court because their
likely defeat might have proven a death blow to
affirmative action. The Rev. Jesse Jackson and the NAACP
also quickly helped to raise a

large settlement for Sharon Taxman.

The
Taxman
case is no doubt the reason Patrick`s
successor,

Bill Lann Lee,
had to settle for a recess
appointment at the Justice Department after the Senate
showed zero interest in confirming him. Indeed, Senator
Orrin Hatch gave a speech on the Senate floor claiming
that he could not support the nomination of another
"liberal civil rights ideologue"
like Deval Patrick.
[November
4, 1997,
]

After
leaving the Justice Department, Patrick returned to
private practice in Boston and began making a
good living off discrimination lawsuits.
Indeed, the
curious thing about Deval Patrick is his habit of suing
an organization for discrimination, then parlaying the
relationship into a coveted position with the same
organization later on, just as he once worked on a
lawsuit against Governor Bill Clinton, and then later
acquired a federal appointment

after Clinton became president.

For example,
in 1997 Deval Patrick chaired the task force that
administered the settlement of

a $176 million racial discrimination lawsuit against
Texaco
, then the largest ever settlement of its
kind. While Patrick was still on the task force,
however, Texaco`s CEO offered him the position of
vice-president and general counsel, with oversight over
Texaco`s hiring practices. As Assistant Attorney
General, Patrick sued several alleged "discriminatory
lenders"
such as Fleet Bank and Ameriquest Mortgage
"Loans should be based on risk, not race"

said Patrick
at the time. But several years later he
joined the board of directors of Ameriquest`s parent
company, ACC Capital Holdings, earning $360,000 a year
for apparently little work. This, despite the fact that
Ameriquest is alleged to be one of the most egregious
"predatory lenders"
in the country.

On
immigration, Deval Patrick is about as open borders as
any public official in the country. Patrick supports
multilingual voting ballots
("minority languages"
as he calls them), drivers licenses and in-state tuition
for illegal aliens, and a state-wide sanctuary policy.
His predecessor,

Governor Mitt Romney
, had

initiated an agreement
with the federal government
to allow certain state troopers to determine if arrested
criminal suspects are illegal aliens. But within days of
taking office,

Governor Patrick
withdrew the state from the
program.

In 1994,
when the
California Coalition for Immigration Reform (CCIR)

was campaigning for Proposition 187, then

Assistant Attorney General Deval Patrick sent the FBI

to interview its leader,

Barbara Coe
, on the grounds that CCIR planned to
engage in "voter intimidation." The source of the
allegation was a letter sent by the Mexican-American
Legal Defense and Education Fund (MALDEF)
to Patrick`s office accusing Coe and CCIR of conspiring
to violate the Voting Rights Act. The purported
violation was a plan to hold signs near polling places
that

reminded people
that it is a crime for non-citizens
to vote.

In due
course, then, and without warning, two FBI agents
knocked on the front door of Mrs. Coe`s home and grilled
her on Proposition 187, her organizational tactics, and
even asked if her children supported her positions. Coe
was so appalled that she demanded that the agents leave
her home.

In contrast,
some Latino groups publicly threatened

actual violence
if Proposition 187 ever passed. (It
did

pass
, but

Gray Davis
sabotaged it. )But Deval Patrick never
investigated them for voter intimidation.

All of these
facts were largely glossed over or buried when Deval
Patrick ran for governor of the Commonwealth of
Massachusetts in 2006. Indeed, the local intelligentsia
had placed enormous pressure on the voters to elect a
black governor. The general attitude, as expressed in
particular by the

establishmentarian Boston Globe
, was that
electing Deval Patrick would allow the state, and the
city of Boston in particular, to put a large part of its
racist past behind it and give the region an opportunity
to "move forward."

Now it`s no
secret that the practice of racial guilt mongering is
stronger in Massachusetts than in most places. Many
claim it stems from Boston`s

forced busing imbroglio
of

the 1970s
. However, the truth is the politics of
racial guilt have long been a part of the academic and
elitist culture of Massachusetts. It was actually more a
cause, than a consequence, of

the experiment in forced busing
. Moreover, the Bay
State liberals who indulge such racial paternalism do
not feel guilty personally—they just like to remind
themselves that others are not as open-minded as they.

In other
words, Deval Patrick`s job is not so much to govern, but
to advertise the open-mindedness of his supporters.
Perhaps that helps to explain why Governor Patrick has
been largely manhandled by the Massachusetts political
establishment, despite the fact that his party holds an
enormous majority in the state legislature. His tenure
in office has thus far been a series of embarrassing
moments.

Deval
Patrick, like Barack Obama, campaigned as a "bridge
builder"
who would put an end to "politics as
usual."
The biggest problem with black elites,
however, is that they tend to have an even stronger
sense of entitlement than white elites. And if Deval
Patrick has an Achilles heel, it is his enormous ego and
sense of entitlement.

Unlike his
predecessors, Governor Patrick chose to have not one,
but seven inaugural receptions for himself across the
Commonwealth. He then quickly upgraded the governor`s
state car from a Chrysler Crown Victoria to a much more
expensive

Cadillac Deville
—earning him the moniker

"Deville Patrick"
from one local pundit. And when he tires
of getting chauffeured around in his new Cadillac,
Governor Patrick likes to use the state

police helicopter
to fly across tiny Massachusetts.
In his first month in office, Patrick

used the state police helicopter more than his
predecessor
did during the previous four years.
(The state`s last Democratic governor, Mike Dukakis,
preferred to

ride the subway to work
.)

Most
embarrassing of all has been Deval Patrick`s grand plan
to reduce the commonwealth`s billion dollar budget
deficit: a proposal to have statewide
casino gambling
. This very controversial proposal
went virtually unmentioned during the campaign, and
Governor Patrick was incapable of making any sensible
case for it. Soon many citizens began to wonder how our
"bridge builder" of a governor could have such a
tin ear toward the electorate.

Certainly,
no one was surprised when the Democratically-controlled
legislature crushed Governor Patrick`s casino proposal
last spring. What surprised people was how indifferent
he seemed to the defeat. Indeed, on the very day of the
vote, Deval Patrick flew to Manhattan to negotiate a
$1.35 million book deal for his life story. Even better,
in his pitch letter, Patrick boasted of his enormous
popularity,

claiming
that "I was able to fill the Boston
Common recently with ten thousand people eager to hear
my dreams for the future."
Patrick was actually
referring to the moment last fall when 10,000 people
showed up at

a Barack Obama campaign rally
and he introduced the
senator to the assembled crowd.

However,
Deval Patrick`s latest proposal, the "Commonwealth
Compact,
"
is the one that should worry us the
most. It was devised by Patrick and a group of local
academics and business leaders and its stated mission is
to "establish Massachusetts as a uniquely inclusive,
honest and supportive community of—and for—diverse
people."
The Compact requires employers to commit to
a

diverse workplace
and to post online the race data
of their current workforce and new hires. Employers are
not actually forced to sign on, but who can doubt they
will feel pressured to do so, especially if Governor
Patrick requires state contractors to be signatories.

One obvious
impact of such forced racial preferences is to
accelerate the growing exodus of citizens from the
state. Indeed, despite its rich history Massachusetts
has long been among the country`s worst in terms of
retaining its residents. I call them "Bay State
Refugees"
(and I am certainly one of them). Some 2.2
million native-born Bay Staters now live elsewhere. And
the commonwealth is attracting fewer transplants from
other states.

The most
oft-cited reason for this "mass emigration" is
the state`s high cost of living. But the media will
never mention the fact that the state`s increasing
diversity has also driven many to abandon it for good.
Some 200,000 immigrants have moved into the Boston area
since 2000 alone, pushing the state population up to
nearly 15% foreign born. Tellingly, perhaps the most
popular destination for Bay State Refugees is New
Hampshire, with its low taxes, low cost of living, and
low diversity.

Deval
Patrick has no plans to stick around either. Rumor has
it that he is already eyeing a position in future
President Barack Obama`s Cabinet. Most likely, he is
seeking to become the first black Attorney General in

American history
.

So if you
are wondering just what to expect from
a Barack Obama White House
, just contemplate having
an arrogant, aggressive

racial bean counter
like Deval Patrick as the top
law enforcement official in the country.  



Matthew Richer (
email
him) is a writer living in Massachusetts. He is the former American
Editor of Right NOW magazine.