Fifty Years Of Brown Blunder: Ruling Class Learns Nothing


I
confess that I have not read and have no intention of
reading any of the endless buckets of bilge that have
spilled onto op-ed pages in recent days about the
glories of the

Brown vs. Board of Education
decision, the

fiftieth anniversary
of which is upon us this week.

For
every one of the countless hosannas sung to what was
probably the most dangerous and destructive Supreme
Court decision in American history, there is a good
reason to condemn Brown and the men who delivered
it.

In
many ways, Brown has served as the model by which the
Court has gutted every state and local statute, no
matter how long-standing or popular, that wanders into
its sight.

The
state segregation laws at which Brown aimed were
merely the first and easiest targets of the new
doctrine, but the Court, emboldened by the act of
usurpation it had pulled off, soon hunted down others—in
the

Miranda
and

Escobedo
rulings of the 1960s, which gutted
state and local law enforcement powers; decisions

banning school prayer;
the erasure of state and
local laws against

sedition
and

obscenity
,

capital punishment
statutes, laws governing

sexual morals
, and of course the

Roe vs. Wade
ruling of 1973, which legalized
abortion.

This
is merely a partial list of the tyranny the Court has
succeeded in creating because the American people
allowed it to get away with Brown.

But if
the constitutional impact of Brown was
disastrous, its merits in law don`t even exist.

Raymond Wolters
, one of the country`s leading
scholars of the

Brown decision
and one of its major critics as
well, in a forthcoming article in the

Occidental Quarterly
writes that

"the
rationale of the Court was spurious. Historical
research has established that the framers and ratifiers
of the Fourteenth Amendment did not intend to outlaw
school segregation. It is hardly conceivable that the
Congress that submitted the Fourteenth Amendment
intended to destroy the various states` right to
maintain segregated schools when that very same Congress
provided a system of segregated schools in the District
of Columbia. Moreover, several of the ratifying states
continued to operate segregated schools without
perceiving that they were in violation of the
amendment.


"The
evidence with respect to original intent is so clear
that it discouraged even legal historian Alfred Kelly,
who was working on Brown for the National
Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP).
Kelly recalled that `The problem we faced was not the
historian`s discovery of the truth . . . : the problem
instead was the formulation of an adequate gloss to
convince the Court that we had something of a historical
case.`"

The
social science invoked by Brown was equally
fraudulent. The Court relied on a

psychology experiment
that supposedly proved that
segregation gave black children feelings of inferiority.
The experiment involved all of 16 children in South
Carolina. But the psychologist who conducted it, Kenneth
Clark, never disclosed that the same tests given to
"hundreds of black children who attended segregated
schools in Arkansas and unsegregated schools in
Massachusetts"
showed the opposite result.

If the
test "was a valid means of indicating what sort of
schooling enhanced black self-respect,"
writes
Professor Wolters, "the data tended to favor
segregated schools."

Moreover, the test failed to distinguish the impact of
school segregation from that of other kinds of
segregation and thus proved nothing about the issue
before the Court in Brown. Nor did segregated
schools seem to harm other minorities. "The
educational success of Asian, Catholic, and Jewish
students also casts doubt on the contention that
`isolation inevitably impaired educational
development`,"
Professor Wolters writes.

But
the constitutional and

scientific
flaws of the decision pale before what it
has done to American schools,

cities,
and the

people who created them
.

By
cramming through a legally groundless ruling that
authorized the federal engineering of American society,
Brown alienated

Southern whites
for at least a generation, wrecked
public education and helped revolutionize both cities
and suburbs.

Today,
schools once entirely white because of segregation laws
are entirely black because of Brown. The

white middle class exodus
has meant the domination
of

cities
by a

black underclass,
the

crooks
and

demagogues
it puts in office and the financial and
social devastation of American urban life.

Has
our national ruling class learned anything at all from
the blunders of Brown?

For an answer, take a

sip
of what is being

poured
onto the pages of your newspapers and
magazines this week.

COPYRIGHT

CREATORS SYNDICATE, INC.

[Sam Francis [email
him] is a nationally syndicated columnist. A selection
of his columns,

America Extinguished: Mass Immigration And The
Disintegration Of American Culture
, is now available
from

Americans For Immigration Control.

Click here
for Sam Francis` website. Click

here
to orderhis monograph
,
Ethnopolitics: Immigration, Race, and the American
Political Future and
here for
Glynn Custred`s review.
]