Diversity Is Strength! It`s Also…AG Gonzales` Mexican Mores


[
See
also


Is Mexico`s Constitution of Blood Coming Here?

]

Next Monday, September 17, Alberto Gonzales

steps down
as the

first Mexican-American U.S. Attorney General.

This is a relief. Gonzales was also, if not the worst,
then certainly among the worst to hold that office.

But might there be a connection between these two facts?
A brief consideration of Gonzales`s career, with
reference to Mexican politics, suggests that there could
indeed be such a connection.

Gonzalez, the grandson of probable illegal immigrants—as

he himself has admitted
, or is it "boasted"?—was
born to a

Catholic
family in San Antonio and raised in the
town of Humble, Texas, where his father worked
construction and later in a rice mill. A diligent as
well as an intelligent pupil, Gonzales was an honors
student in high school, after which he enlisted in the

U.S. Air Force
for a four-year stint. Following his
military service, he entered

Rice University
where he earned a B.A. in Political
Science, compiling a record of sufficient distinction to
win him acceptance to the

Harvard Law School
, which accorded him the degree of
Juris Doctor in 1982. Gonzales then returned to Texas,
where he went into private practice with the firm of

Vinson and Elkins
, becoming a partner. He became an
active member of the community and a pillar of
respectability in

Houston
, taking his place on various local boards
and commissions and earning public recognition for his
efforts.

So far, so good. Up to this point, Gonzales`s is the
classic American success story of a poor immigrant boy
made good by dint of discipline, hard work, and good
character—a twentieth century

Horacio Algero
of

the Borderlands
.

Here, however, the fable begins to differentiate, as

George Ade
liked to say.

Gonzales`s career took a definitive—in retrospect, a
fateful—turn when George W. Bush, recently elected
Governor of Texas, hired him as special advisor on
border issues and relations between the State of Texas
and the Republic of Mexico, and later as the governor`s
general counsel.

Since then, Alberto Gonzales has worked almost solely
for

George Bush,
at that man`s pleasure and discretion.

Subsequently, the Governor appointed him Secretary of
State of Texas, and next as a judge on the Texas Supreme
Court. In 2001, Gonzalez

followed his mentor to the White House
, where he
served as White House Counsel until 2005, when President
Bush, with the advice and consent of the Senate, made
him

Attorney General of the United States.

It is clear from this sketch that Alberto Gonzales`s
public career owes everything to the patronage of George
W. Bush.

Patronage, of course, is a notorious and abiding feature
of Mexican politics, with which this descendant of
illegal immigrants appears to have been wholly
comfortable. Bush the Younger is famed for his
insistence on what is most politely termed loyalty in
his subordinates. His relationship with his Hispanic
protegé from Humble was no exception.

Indeed,

observers have noted in Alberto Gonzales
an
eagerness to supply Bush, both as Governor and as
President, with

pleasing legal advice,
no matter whether it is the
correct advice or not. In his capacity as counselor to
the Governor, Gonzales worked successfully to have Bush
excused from jury duty on a drunk driving case—an
episode that

surfaced during the 2000 campaign
when it came to
light that Bush, in answering the questionnaire mailed
to prospective jurors, had

failed to disclose
his own DWI conviction in 1976.
There has also been speculation that, as counsel,
Alberto Gonzales was remiss in reviewing clemency
requests with the result that, during his tenure in
office, more executions were carried out in Texas than
in any other of the fifty states.

Patronage and callousness toward

human life
and toward justice, though emblematic
features of Mexican

political life
, of course are hardly unique to it:
Certainly the history of the United States includes
numerous examples of both. And so it is particularly in
Alberto Gonzales`s record as White House Counsel and
U.S. Attorney General that we may perceive a powerful
inclination, as unquestioning as it is instinctive,
toward an authoritarianism that is no part of the
historic American political tradition—though it remains
very much a part of the Mexican one.

Not to put too fine a point on the matter, Alberto
Gonzales, during his tenure with the Bush
Administration, seems never to have met a piece of
restrictive or anti-democratic legislation, usually
enhancing the power of the Executive Branch, he didn`t
like.


Executive Order 13233,
drawn up by Gonzales and

promulgated by Bush in November 2001,
amended The
Freedom of Information Act to restrict access to the
records

archived
by former U.S. presidents. From the
beginning, Gonzales was an ardent supporter within the
Administration of the

USA PATRIOT Act,
strongly resisted by a wide array
of opponents—including many

conservative critics
—for its infringement upon

civil liberties
.

The

infamous Presidential Order
authorizing the

trial of suspected terrorists
by

military tribunals
was also Gonzales` work, as was
the equally controversial

memo
early in 2002 which concluded that Article III
of the Geneva Convention had been superseded by events
(but not apparently by law), thus rendering protections
accorded to captured combatants inappropriate to the
cases of apprehended Taliban and Al-Quaeda fighters.
(Gonzales wanted to deny prisoners, among other things,
such amenities as commissary privileges and scrip.)
Extant military regulations and presidential
instructions were, Gonzales insisted, sufficient to
ensure that the principles of Geneva would be honored.
Moreover, he

objected
, adherence to imprecise language in Article
III ("Outrages upon personal dignity", "humiliating
and degrading treatment,"
etc.) might easily be used by hostile governments to
subject military leaders and even civilian officials to
the War Crimes Act of 1996—an eventuality that is, of
course, wholly imaginable. [Detainee
Abuse Charges Feared Shield Sought From `96 War Crimes
Act
By R.
Jeffrey Smith Washington Post, July 28, 2006]

Meanwhile, the Justice Department and the FBI have been
accused of abusing, on Gonzales`s watch, the PATRIOT Act
by retrieving unwarranted information pertaining to
American citizens, and the

NSA of spying on them
, also without warrant.

And it was Gonzales` attempt to reauthorize the renewal
of the latter activity that led to the

now famous scene
in the hospital sickroom of
then-Attorney General John Ashcroft, in which White
House Counsel Gonzales allegedly attempted to persuade
the disoriented patient to

sign off on a renewal of the program
in the presence
of

James B. Comey
, Ashcroft`s acting AG.

An attempt by the Senate to get to the bottom of this
incident resulted in Gonzales`s testifying for four
hours before the Judiciary Committee on July 24, 2007.
In his sworn testimony, the Attorney General flatly
denied Comey`s account, insisting that the hospital
visit concerned

"other intelligence activities,"
and not the
NSA plan.

The widespread, and frankly expressed, disbelief
Gonzales

provoked from his listeners
on this occasion
recalled the skepticism drawn by his testimony regarding
the firing of seven U.S. Attorneys given to Congress
earlier in the year. It impelled a group of Democratic
Senators to

call for the appointment of an independent counsel

to investigate the matter further.

Gonzales` behavior under oath before Congress and two
Senate committees speaks volumes about the man`s respect
for the

rule of law
in a free country of laws.

Most shocking of all, however, is the Attorney General`s
apparent ignorance of the basic elements of that law, as
suggested by his denial, in the course of an exchange
with

Senator Arlen Specter
on January 18, 2007, of the
constitutional right to Habeas corpus:

Gonzales: The fact that the Constitution—again, there
is no express

grant of habeas corpus in the Constitution.
There is
a prohibition against taking it away. But it`s never
been the case, and I`m not a Supreme—

Specter: Now, wait a minute. Wait a minute. The
Constitution says you can`t take it away, except in the
case of a rebellion or invasion.

[
By

illegal immigrants,

perhaps?—CW.]
Doesn`t that mean you have a right of habeas corpus,
unless there is an invasion or rebellion?

Alberto Gonzales, it is true, has only been trying to
aid, abet, and please his

apparently
quintessentially American boss, the
President of the United States. And others in the
Administration, most notably

Vice President Cheney
, the man from

Wyoming
. (But

Alger Hiss
came from a

background
very similar to Bush`s.) Even so,
America`s experience with its “First Hispanic
Attorney General”
seems not to augur well for
tomorrow`s involvement in American politics by the

children and grandchildren
of today`s illegal
Mexican immigrants—a prospect

welcomed by some
(including especially

the government of Mexico
) and feared by many others
(including me).

It may be, on reflection, that

multicultural studies
in America`s schools might cut
both ways.

Perhaps, in addition to learning the history of the

American Revolution,
the American young should be
reading about the history of the lawless,

bloody
, barbaric

Mexican Revolution
(circa 1910 to 1928).

That could be a real eye-opener for everybody concerned.

Granted, Alberto Gonzales is no

Pancho Villa
. But

Pancho Villa
was no

George Washington
, either.



Chilton Williamson Jr.
[email
him
] is the author of

The Immigration Mystique: America`s False Conscience

and an editor and columnist for


Chronicles
Magazine, where he writes The Hundredth
Meridian column about life in the Rocky Mountain West.



His
latest book is


The Conservative Bookshelf: Essential Works That Impact
Today`s Conservative Thinkers
.