Steve Sailer and the RPI: Even Homer Nods

also:Jared Taylor`s review of Hans-Herman Hoppe`s
Democracy –The God That Failed

I have long been an admirer of

Steve Sailer
, whose work I often find to be
nothing short of brilliant. However, in his recent

on Ward Connerly`s

Racial Privacy Initiative
(RPI), he takes a
number of positions with which I must disagree.

Mr. Sailer writes that his
opposition to affirmative action is increasingly based
not on moral but on “prudential grounds.”

I take this to mean that he
believes racial preferences should be abolished, not so
much because they are wrong, but because whites will
eventually rise up against them.

This is a very dangerous argument.
If we operate on the basis of a fear of riots rather
than on a judgment of right and wrong, policy loses all
coherence, and the nation can be blackmailed.

"Prudential grounds” would suggest
that racial preferences be expanded—not
abolished. After all, the beneficiaries have an
impressive record of riot and violence. Blacks, in


little provocation
. If policy becomes nothing more
than pacification, blacks can demand ever-greater levels
of preference based on the very real threat of violence.

At the same time, whites are
extremely unlikely to riot over the continuation of
racial preferences. It has been

50 years
since they lost the capacity to riot for
explicitly racial reasons. Despite constant

displacement by non-whites,

official racial discrimination
against them in

and college admissions, and widespread

of their

history and culture
, they show no signs of
rekindling that ability.  Of course, whites are to be
congratulated on this – but it is also true that their

elected representatives
show no sign of

defending their interests
in this debate.

Opposition to racial preferences
should not be "prudential" but logical and moral.

The data on racial differences in

are now overwhelming. Blacks and
Hispanics simply

cannot be expected
to achieve at the same level as
whites and Asians. To insist that current differences in
achievement are proof of discrimination by wicked whites
is to persist in what must be one of the most successful
and damaging propaganda campaigns in history.

There cannot be racial equality in
outcome because the races are not equal in ability. Any
policy based on the

assumption of equality
will have

perverse consequences.

Mr. Sailer supports the Racial
Privacy Initiative because he believes that if the
government stops collecting racial data, it will make it

difficult to enforce racial preference quotas.
are several things wrong with this argument.

First, as he himself points out,
companies and universities now impose racial quotas upon
themselves. Just because the state of California stops
counting noses will not prevent others from doing so.

Second, Mr. Sailer suggests at the
very end of his essay, that it is the market rather than
the law that should punish irrational discrimination.
That is certainly true. A company should be free to hire
only left-handed, Korean duck-hunters if it wants, and
if this peculiar hiring policy means it is not always
able to hire the most productive employees, the market
will punish it by reducing its profits.

Private discrimination is, in fact,
the essence of choice. The

Civil Rights Act of 1964
, which stripped Americans
of the right to make free decisions about whom to hire,
serve, accommodate, or choose as neighbors and
classmates, was a staggering expansion of government
power and loss of individual freedom. The "refusal
to deal

private discrimination
is technically called, cannot
be considered a wrong because such a refusal does not
leave anyone worse off than he was before. If you don`t
hire me or sell me your house, I may be disappointed,
but I am not materially harmed.

Today, however, discrimination
against whites goes largely unpunished in the market for
two reasons: many discriminators are government bodies
not subject to market forces; large private companies
must discriminate against whites so as to have racially
proportionate workforces, which are the only legally
acceptable proof of non-discrimination. As all must do
this, all are equally handicapped.

The solution, therefore, is not
something like the Racial Privacy Initiative, which does
nothing but reduce the quality of racial data. The
solution is to abolish all anti-discrimination laws.
They should be retained, if at all, in the monopoly
public sector.

If Ford then decides to hire large
numbers of underqualified blacks and Hispanics while GM
insists on across-the-board standards, the market really
will pass verdict on which is the better policy.
Likewise, if Harvard lowers standards in order to
promote "diversity,"
while Yale is free to discriminate in order to promote
"homogeneity" (unlikely but theoretically possible), let
high school seniors decide which sort of campus they
like best.

An end to
anti-discrimination law
in the private sector would,
of course, highlight race, sex, and ethnic differences
in ability. This would pave the way to broad recognition
of racial reality, and lead to realistic policies-
rather than our current miasma of


, and

bad faith
, all of which are based on the fantasy of
racial equality.

The RPI is a strictly cosmetic
measure that will have no effect on the abuses it is
designed to cure.

Let there be more
information about race rather than less.

And let us be free to consider this
information when we hire employees, buy a house, or
choose a school.

Taylor (
him) is editor of

American Renaissance

and the author of

Paved With Good Intentions: The Failure of Race
Relations in Contemporary America
(For Peter Brimelow`s review, click