Published on VDARE.com on April 26, 2003
Insight on the News - Symposium
April 29,2003
Symposium
Q: Will pre-emptive war, such
as in Iraq, make the United States safer in the long
term?
By Paul Craig Roberts
No: This policy creates instability and isolates
the U.S. from its allies.
The United States is more at risk as a result of
President George W. Bush's new policy of pre-emptive
attack. Consider just a few reasons for the decline in
America's safety.
A policy of pre-emptive attack creates instability by
encouraging other countries to adopt the same strategy.
The policy easily can be a guise for other agendas:
control over oil, enhancing the safety of an ally,
reconstruction contracts for a political donor base or a
messianic militarism determined to impose "American
exceptionalism" on the rest of the world. Once other
countries believe or suspect that such motives are the
reasons for U.S. pre-emptive attacks, those countries
will form alliances that will isolate the United States
from former allies.
Undersecretary of State John Bolton, Norman Podhoretz
and other neoconservatives have indicated that the U.S.
invasion of Iraq is but the opening step of a plan for
cleansing the Muslim Middle East. On April 2, former CIA
director James Woolsey
said the U.S. invasion of Iraq was the beginning of
World War IV, a war that will last many years while
"we move toward a new Middle East."
Such a war is likely to create unity and alliances
among Muslim states. An alliance could form between Iran
and nuclear-armed Pakistan. Both countries are believed
to harbor far more terrorists and al-Qaeda operatives
than Iraq. A pre-emptive attack on a nuclear-armed
adversary could require the United States to use nuclear
weapons. Such action would isolate the United States,
alarm other powers and possibly subject the United
States itself to pre-emptive attack from Russia, China
and
"old Europe" - all of which could be said to be
harboring terrorists in their large Muslim populations.
We should not forget that Russia possesses nuclear
missiles capable of destroying the United States and
that China, thanks to former president Bill Clinton and
U.S. defense firms, possesses the technology for
nuclear-weapon capability equal to our own.
A case for pre-emptive attack rests on propaganda,
assumptions and intelligence information that may be
false. Iraq may not possess weapons of mass destruction.
The predicted Shiite uprising against Saddam Hussein has
not occurred; indeed, Shiite leaders have forbidden an
uprising. Their goal is to replace Saddam, a secular
ruler, with Islamic rule modeled on Iran, not with
American democracy. If the Shiite majority succeeds, the
United States will be less safe as a result of
overthrowing Saddam's secular rule.
Misinformation abounds within the American public.
Polls indicate that 50 percent of Americans believe that
Iraqis hijacked the airliners that were crashed into the
World Trade Center twin towers and the Pentagon. If
Americans, with their free press, can be so misinformed,
imagine the misconceptions possible in the Middle East,
Russia and China. Once the United States adopts a policy
of attacking countries based on unproven suspicions,
every country becomes a potential target, thus provoking
pre-emptive attack against this country.
International law is a nebulous concept. Regardless,
the United States has spent the last half-century
building support for world order and enlisting world
opinion behind its foreign policy. Having poured
authority into the United Nations, the United States now
has defied its own creation and acted unilaterally in
the face of world opinion. This gives America's enemies
propaganda with which to brand the United States an
outlaw nation. It is difficult for a country perceived
as an outlaw to convince the world that it has a moral
case for pre-emptive war. If Muslims respond to the
invasion of Iraq with more terror, much of world opinion
will believe that the United States shares the blame.
The sympathy and cooperation enjoyed by the United
States since Sept. 11 have been squandered.
The loss of good will makes our country less safe. On
March 27, Samir Ragab, chairman of the Egyptian Gazette,
editorialized: "The U.S. has just shown its true colors.
And the world can rest assured that both the U.S. and
Israel are one and the same thing. Their common
objective is to enfeeble Arabs and tear their nations to
pieces." The Gazette, established in 1880, is not a
radical Islamic newspaper, and Ragab is not a known
anti-American. His editorial indicates that the U.S.
invasion of Iraq has hurt America's standing with
moderate Muslims. Reporting from Jakarta on March 26,
Reuters said that the U.S. invasion of Iraq has
disillusioned American-educated Muslim elites throughout
Asia. Moderate Muslims in the Middle East and
pro-American ones in Asia are washing their hands of us.
By attacking Iraq, the United States has achieved the "Palestinization"
of the Muslim world. The consequence will be more
terror. On March 31, Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak
said: "This war will have horrible consequences.
Instead of having one [Osama] bin Laden, we will have
100 bin Ladens."
Another aspect of U.S. safety is threatened by
pre-emptive war. The Founding Fathers realized that not
all enemies are foreign. What keeps U.S. citizens safe
is adherence to the U.S. Constitution. Losing any part
of the Constitution is precedent for losing other parts.
Congress - the American people's representative - now
has lost the constitutional right to declare war.
In the past the U.S. has fought war without declaring
it, as in
Vietnam. But Vietnam was a "proxy war" fought to
contain communist expansion without directly confronting
communist states, which could have provoked nuclear
holocaust. There was no such danger in attacking Iraq.
Moreover, the U.S. invasion of Iraq was not a surprise
attack, but a war that the U.S. publicly initiated.
There is no excuse in this instance for circumventing a
congressional declaration of war. The U.S. invasion of
Iraq is the result of a presidential decision and
personal ultimatum. Bush has initiated a war in a manner
that expands the powers of his office to give the
president attributes of a Caesar.
Pre-emptive war is the foreign-policy version of
Jeremy Bentham's proposal pre-emptively to arrest
citizens who might commit crimes in the future. Bentham
"proved" that it served "the greatest interest of the
greatest number" to round up people who fit profiles
predisposed to commit criminal acts. How would such
citizens be identified? The same way that we "know"
which countries are going to attack us in the future: by
assumption, probability, speculation and bad
information, such as the forged nuclear documents
offered as proof that Iraq has a nuclear-weapons
program.
Fairfax County, Va., police recently used
pre-emptive reasoning when they arrested bar patrons on
the
grounds that some might later be guilty of driving
under the influence.
Arresting people before they commit crimes is a
violation of mens rea - the principle that there
can be no crime without intent - and a violation of
actus rea - the principle that a criminal act must
occur before an arrest can take place. These principles
are foundations of Anglo-American law. Once people can
be arrested for suspected future misdeeds, liberty is
dead. Similarly, pre-emptive war is based in surmise.
Pre-emptive war commits the United States to empire.
It was Rome's policy to subdue potential enemies in
advance by constructing an empire. Empire cost the Roman
citizens their republic, destroyed the power of the
Roman senate and brought crushing taxation, inflation,
division and resentments. Finding themselves
overextended, Romans withdrew from their far-flung
posts. Their enemies followed them back to Rome and,
ultimately, the ancient city was sacked and plundered.
Pre-emptive war is a recipe for Armageddon. Each time
the U.S. pre-emptively attacks a future enemy, new
enemies will be created. This is especially the case in
the Middle East. Such an aggressive policy likely will
lead to the reinstatement of conscription in the United
States and the militarization of the entire country. To
understand why, consider the miscalculations and
difficulties evident by the fifth day of the U.S.
invasion of Iraq.
It is difficult to imagine a more inviting target for
attack than Iraq, a divided country containing three
mutually hostile groups - Kurds, and Sunni and Shiite
Muslims. Iraq's army has outmoded weapons and has been
weakened by defeat in the 1991 Persian Gulf War and 12
years of embargoes and bombings. Saddam does not control
his whole country or Iraq's airspace. To remain in
power, he has had to resurrect the tribes and to govern
through tribal leaders in the manner of medieval kings
governing through their "agents," counts and dukes.
Yet, by the fifth day of the invasion, it was obvious
that the war was not going to be a cakewalk for the
United States. U.S. generals began complaining that
their warnings were ignored and that sufficient forces
were not committed to the invasion, and reinforcements
were sent. If a quarter-million-man, high-tech army
supported by a powerful navy and unquestionable air
superiority is in sufficient force, what happens when we
attack a unified, more populous Muslim state? What
happens if U.S. aggression unites the Muslims and they
come to one another's aid? What would have been the fate
of our army in Iraq if Syria, Iran and Turkey had joined
the fray?
Prior to the next pre-emptive attack, even the tamed
political U.S. generals will put their foot down and
demand "sufficient" forces so that there is no question
about the outcome. Whose sons, grandsons, brothers and
fathers will provide these forces? Whose taxes will pay
the enormous cost? Will critics of U.S. pre-emptive wars
be silenced by knocks on the door from "Homeland
Security"?
Meanwhile, on U.S. soil other wars are being lost.
The Bush tax cut, which was to restore the economy, has
been sacrificed to the war. The Supreme Court has just
refused to hear a case that would have questioned the
right of government to spy on citizens. And the silent
invasion of America by 1 million illegal immigrants per
annum continues unabated. How is a country that is not
capable of defending its own borders made safe by
sending its army halfway around the world to confront
ancient and unresolvable animosities?
When Americans realize the recklessness behind the
pre-emptive attack on Iraq, they will feel very unsafe
indeed.
Roberts is chairman of the Institute for Political
Economy, a research fellow at the Independent Institute
and a senior research fellow at the Hoover Institution,
Stanford University. He served as assistant secretary of
the Treasury from 1981-82. A former columnist for the
Wall Street Journal and Business Week, his
columns are nationally syndicated by Creator's Syndicate
in Los Angeles.