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In his historical novel, The Leopard,
Giuseppe di Lampedusa writes that
things have to change
in order to remain the same. That is what happened in
the US congressional elections on November 2.
Jobs
offshoring, which began on a large scale with the
collapse of the Soviet Union, has merged the Democrats
and Republicans into one party with two names. The
Soviet collapse changed
attitudes
in
socialist India and communist China
and opened those countries, with their large excess
supplies of labor, to Western capital.
Pushed by Wall Street and Wal-Mart, American
manufacturers moved production for US markets offshore
to boost profits and shareholder earnings by
utilizing cheap labor.
The decline of the US manufacturing work force reduced
the political power of unions and the ability of unions
to finance the Democratic Party. The end result was to
make the Democrats dependent on the same sources of
financing as Republicans.
Prior
to this development, the two parties, despite their
similarities, represented different interests and served
as a check on one another. The
Democrats represented labor
and focused on providing a social safety net. Social
Security, Medicare, Medicaid, food stamps, unemployment
insurance, housing subsidies, education, and civil
rights were Democratic issues. Democrats were committed
to a full employment policy and would accept some
inflation to secure more employment.
The Republicans represented business. The Republicans
focused on curtailing big government in all its
manifestations from social welfare spending to
regulation. The Republicans' economic policy consisted
of opposing federal budget deficits.
These differences resulted in political competition.
Today both parties are dependent for campaign finance on
Wall Street, the military/security complex, AIPAC, the
oil industry, agri-business, pharmaceuticals, and the
insurance industry. Campaigns no longer consist of
debates over issues. They are mud-slinging contests.
Angry voters take their anger out on incumbents, and
that is what we saw in the election. Tea Party
candidates defeated Republican incumbents in primaries,
and Republicans defeated Democrats in the congressional
elections.
Policies, however, will not change qualitatively.
Quantitatively, Republicans will be more inclined to
more rapidly dismantle more of the social safety net
than Democrats and more inclined to finish off the
remnants of civil liberties. But the powerful private
oligarchs will continue to write the legislation that
Congress passes and the President signs. New members of
Congress will quickly discover that achieving
re-election requires bending to the oligarchs' will.
This might sound harsh and pessimistic. But look at the
factual record. In his campaign for the presidency,
George W. Bush criticized President Clinton's foreign
adventures and vowed to curtail America's role as the
policeman of the world. Once in office, Bush pursued the
neoconservatives' policy of US world hegemony via
military means, occupation of countries, setting up
puppet governments, and financial intervention in other
countries' elections.
Obama promised change. He vowed to close Guantanamo
prison and to bring the troops home. Instead, he
restarted the war in Afghanistan and started new wars in
Pakistan and Yemen, while continuing Bush's policy of
threatening Iran and encircling Russia with military
bases.
Americans out of work, out of income, out of homes and
prospects, and out of hope for
their children's careers are angry. But the political
system offers them no way of bringing about change. They
can change the elected servants of the oligarchs, but
they cannot change the policies or the oligarchs.
The American situation is dire. As a result of the high
speed Internet, the loss of manufacturing jobs was
followed by the loss of professional service jobs, such
as software engineering, that were career ladders for
American university graduates. The middle class has no
prospects. Already, the American labor force and income
distribution mimics that of a third world country, with
income and wealth concentrated in a few hands at the top
and most of the rest of the population employed in
domestic services jobs. In recent years net new job
creation has been concentrated in lowly paid
occupations, such as waitresses and bartenders,
ambulatory health care services, and retail clerks. The
population and new entrants into the work force continue
to grow more rapidly than job opportunities.
Turning this around would require more realization than
exists among policymakers and a deeper crisis. Possibly
it could be done by using taxation to encourage US
corporations to manufacture domestically the goods and
services that they sell in US markets. However, the
global corporations and Wall Street would oppose this
change.
The tax revenue loss from job losses, bank bailouts,
stimulus programs, and the wars have caused a
three-to-four-fold jump in the US budget deficit. The
deficit is now too large to be financed by the trade
surpluses of China, Japan, and OPEC. Consequently, the
Federal Reserve is making massive purchases of Treasury
and other debt. The continuation of these purchases
threatens the dollar's value and its role as reserve
currency. If the dollar is perceived as losing that
role, flight from dollars will devastate the remnants of
Americans' retirement incomes and the ability of the US
government to finance itself.
Yet, the destructive policies continue. There is no
re-regulation of the financial industry, because the
financial industry will not allow it. The unaffordable
wars continue, because they serve the profits of the
military/security complex and promote military officers
into higher ranks with more retirement pay. Elements
within the government want to send US troops into
Pakistan and into Yemen. War with Iran is still on the
table. And China is being demonized as the cause of US
economic difficulties.
Whistleblowers and critics are being suppressed.
Military personnel who leak evidence of military crimes
are arrested. Congressmen call for their execution.
Wikileaks' founder is in hiding, and neoconservatives
write articles
calling for his elimination by CIA assassination teams.
Media outlets that report the leaks apparently have been
threatened by Pentagon chief Robert Gates.
According to
Antiwar.com,
on July 29 Gates
"insisted that he
would not rule out targeting Wikileaks founder Julian
Assange or any of the myriad media outlets which
reported on the leaks."
The control of the oligarchs extends to the media. The
Clinton administration permitted a small number of
mega-corporations to concentrate the US media in a few
hands. Corporate advertising executives, not
journalists, control the new American media, and the
value of the mega-companies depends on government
broadcast licenses. The media's interest is now united
with that of the government and the oligarchs.
On top of all the other factors that have made American
elections meaningless, voters cannot even get correct
information from the media about the problems that they
and the country face.
As the economic situation is likely to continue
deteriorating, the anger will grow. But the oligarchs
will direct the anger away from themselves and toward
the vulnerable elements of the domestic population and
"foreign
enemies."
Paul Craig Roberts
[email
him]
was Assistant Secretary of the Treasury during
President Reagan's first term. He was Associate
Editor of the Wall Street Journal. He has
held numerous academic appointments, including the
William E. Simon Chair, Center for Strategic and
International Studies, Georgetown University, and Senior
Research Fellow, Hoover Institution, Stanford
University. He was awarded the Legion of Honor by French
President Francois Mitterrand. He is the author of
Supply-Side Revolution : An Insider's Account of
Policymaking in Washington;
Alienation
and the Soviet Economy
and
Meltdown: Inside the Soviet Economy,
and is the co-author with Lawrence M. Stratton of
The Tyranny of Good Intentions : How Prosecutors and
Bureaucrats Are Trampling the Constitution in the Name
of Justice. Click
here
for Peter Brimelow's
Forbes Magazine
interview with Roberts about the epidemic of
prosecutorial misconduct.